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UM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 


MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


IMIWUHU UFMRJsIr 

libraries 








ULLETIN 15 


^STOCKHOLM 1980 

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THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 


MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


STANFORD UNIVERSITY 
LIBRARIES 

MAY 0 6 1981 


BULLETIN 15 


STOCKHOLM 1980 


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The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 
MEDELHAVSMUSEET 

Director: Carl-Gustaf Styrenius 
Graeco-Roman Department 

Director: Pontus Hellstrom. Curator: Marie-Louise Winbladh 
Egyptian Department 

Director: Bengt Peterson. Curator: Beate George 

Head office and Graeco-Roman Department: Storgatan 41, Box 5405, 

S-114 84 Stockholm 
Phone: 62 88 57,6187 78 

Egyptian Department: Jarntorget 84, S-l 11 29 Stockholm 
Phone: 10 83 69 


© Medelhavsmuseet 

Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistisk-Samhallsvetenskapliga Forskningsr&det 
Distribution office: Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41, Box 5405, S-114 84 Stockholm, Sweden 
Edited by Bengt Peterson. Photos of Stockholm objects by Margareta Sjoblom 
ISSN 0585-3214 

Printed by Berlings, Arlov 1980 8024 


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Archaic Egyptian Falcons 


Bengt Peterson 


At the close of the predynastic period in Egypt, the 
design of animal forms in stone and other materials is 
of a compact and abstract type. The animals are ren¬ 
dered in a simplified way, which makes a great appeal 
to the modern connoisseur of Egyptian art, who today 
often has as his background a profound feeling for the 
now classic, abstract tradition in European sculpture 
or who knows from experience the beauty of archaic 
Chinese jades. This end-product of the long, creative 
experiments of the Negadeh II civilisation is of short 
duration only. At the beginning of the 1st dynasty, 
there is almost immediately a tendency to more realis¬ 
tic representations, more and more accentuated. In this 
paper, some stages of this development will be shown 
with the aid of a group of small falcon sculptures which 
can be dated by parallels and of a falcon sculptured on 
an object bearing an inscription, which helps to fix a 
point in this transitional period at a certain date. 

In many excavations in Middle Egypt small falcon 
sculptures have turned up, from both graves and settle¬ 
ments'. They are usually very small and are mostly 
made of stones, often semiprecious stones; others are 
made of bone, glazed faience or metal. Many of them 
have a pierced body, as if intended to be used as beads. 
There is no exclusive explanation of their use. They 
may be amulets, ceremonial objects or ex votos ; they 
have even been interpreted as gamingpieces 2 . Probably 
they had manifold uses. Some of the larger ones have a 
hole made from below, as if intended to be mounted on 
a stand. One example of a large falcon has two holes 
made from below, perhaps for loose legs to be in¬ 
serted. 3 They date from the Negadeh II period, (SD 
44-64 and 77-78 are mentioned), but they continue into 
the 1st dynasty. The elegant shape of these falcons 
occurs also among the slate palettes 4 . Four examples in 
the Medelhavsmuseet will be presented here. 


MME 1969:622. Acquired from a private collection in 
1969. 

Falcon of mottled green serpentine, 1. 7.5 cm. The 
body is thick and has a cut-off tail. The head is finely 
curved and has two drilled holes for inlaid eyes, now 
lost. Underneath, there is a larger drilled hole. Slight 
damage on one side of the lower part of the body, at the 
tail and on top of the head. 



3 


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MM 10534. Acquired from the Gayer-Anderson Col¬ 
lection in 1928. 

Falcon of pale carnelian, 1. 4.1 cm. Slender body 
with cut-off tail. The head is rendered in a simplified 
way by a flaking-off technique. The hole through the 
body is drilled from both sides. The beak is slightly 
damaged. 



MM 10535. Acquired from the Gayer-Anderson Col¬ 
lection in 1928. 

Falcon of dark carnelian, 1. 3.0 cm. The body is short 
and slender with a cut-off tail. There is an attempt at 
plastic modelling of the head, with special emphasis on 
the beak, which is slightly damaged. The hole through 
the body was drilled from both sides. There is a minor 
damage on one side of the lower part of the body. 



MM 15430. Acquisition date unknown. 

Falcon of mottled green serpentine, 1. 4.1 cm. Long, 
slender body with cut-off tail. There is an almost elabo¬ 
rate emphasis on the modelling of the head, which has 
a protruding beak. The hole through the body was 
drilled from both sides. 



This group of falcons is generally considered to be 
products of the predynastic period, although there may 
be survivals of the designs in the 1st dynasty. It is 
difficult to date the individual items of this group ex¬ 
actly; some of them may be of the 1st dynasty, such as 
MM 10535 and MM 15430, with their more realistic 
details, which may be compared with dated, excavated 
items of the 1st dynasty 5 . The dating is also difficult 
because of the technical quality of the work. Thus, MM 
10534, with its simplified shape, may be only an easier 
rendering of the more elaborate shapes of MM 10535 
and MM 15430 and contemporary with them. 

In all of the items presented, however, the abstract 
conception is strong. The individual details, the realis¬ 
tic trends in the modelling, are only added to the strict 
and compact figures. Now, this group will be compared 
with another falcon, which may be found on a schist 
object in the Medelhavsmuseet. This contains an in¬ 
scription which presumably gives the date of the ob¬ 
ject. As it is of a very uncommon type, it will be 
described in detail. 

MM 11391. Schist object. Acquired from the Gayer- 
Anderson Collection 1928. 

Rectangular shape with smooth sides, h. 7.1 cm, w. 
4.5 cm, th. 1.1 cm. As the lower edge is completely 
smooth, the object may be complete as it is and not a 
fragment. The upper and lower edges are slanting. 
Dominating the rectangular surface is a raised edge, 
which frames a sunken space on three sides. On the top 
of the object, there is a sculptured falcon seated. Its 
body is thick, its tail short and cut off. The head is 
plastically modelled, with finely detailed eyes and 
beak. The wings are rendered with sculptured and in¬ 
cised details, as are the talons on both sides of the 
object. This representation of the falcon is a well- 
known iconographical theme: the royal falcon on the 
palace facade, the serekh. The slanting of the facade is 
intentional, a peculiar but rare feature which has a 
symbolical meaning 6 . Seen from the short sides, the 
object is wedge-shaped, the top width being 1.1 cm and 
the bottom width 0.8 cm. The back is completely 
smooth. 

In the framed part of the surface, there is an incised 
inscription, as well as some scratched, irregular lines. 
The inscription is the symbolical form of the king's 
name, common in the 1st dynasty, the name being 
crowned by standing falcon. The name itself is usually 
written in a serekh. Here we have to interpret the 
structure on which the falcon is standing as the name- 


4 


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sign itself. It is possible to interpret this combination of 
vertical and horizontal strokes as a royal name. The 
only name in question is that of King Zer. The writing 
of his name shows a large variety of renderings. Its 
main feature, however, is the varying number of verti¬ 
cal and horizontal strokes 7 . This must, of course, re¬ 
main a hypothesis but seems to be the most plausible 
explanation of this inscription. To give a meaning to 
the scratchings below it is difficult. One has also the 
right to question the authenticity of the inscription, but 
here it is assumed that it is contemporary with the 
object. 

The most pertinent objects to refer to in this case are 
the predynastic palettes. Among them only few have 
falcon shape 8 , a further important item is a combination 
of palette and falcon, the latter crowning the triangular 
palette 9 . A very interesting parallel is a schist palette in 
a Swiss private collection 10 . It is rectangular and is 
crowned by a falcon, but instead of the palace-fasade 
decoration it has in the middle of the rectangular field a 
round receptacle for the mixing of eye paint. This ob¬ 
ject is cited here also because it affords a very fine 


5 


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parallel to the falcon on the Stockholm object. This 
falcon is flat and two-dimensional and it lacks all the 
sculptural qualities of the falcons previously presented 
here. It is obvious that H. Wild’s dating of it to the 
close of the Negadeh II period is correct. Likewise, its 
use as a palette cannot be questioned. 

The purpose of the Stockholm object is not easily 
determined. But it may be connected with a few other 
objects which may be of ceremonial or symbolic 
character. One is a small plaque of schist excavated by 
Petrie in Abydos and dated by him in the 1st dynasty 11 . 
Another is a faience plaque in a Swiss private collec¬ 
tion, likewise dated in the 1st dynasty 12 . Both of them 
are rectangular and have a falcon on the top edge. 
Furthermore both of them have their surfaces deco¬ 
rated with variants of the serekh design. While the one 
in the private collection is summarily executed, the one 
from Abydos is finely sculptured and closely resembles 


1 There is of course a great difference in quality. Although this 
paper intends to emphasize items of artistic merit only, the 
following list includes examples of all types of falcon rep¬ 
resentations of the group: FI. Petrie - J.E. Quibell, Naqada 
and Balias, London 18%, pi. 70, 14-15, 18-20; Quibell, 
Hierakonpolis I, London 1900, pi. 21,14, pi. 22,14-15; Petrie, 
Abydos II, London 1903, pi. 7,81-84 (for nr 84 cf. A. Scharff, 
Die Altertumer der Vor- und Friihzeit Agyptens II, Berlin 
1929, nr. 82); Petrie, Tarkhan II, London 1914, pi. 1; G. 
Brunt on, Qau and Badari I., London 1929, pi. 20, nr. 63 (the 
same as Brunton -G. Caton-Thompson, The Badarian Civili¬ 
sation, London 1928, pi. 58, 6); Brunton, Mostagedda, 
London 1937, pi. 39, 45A3; Brunton, Matmar, London 1948, 
pi. 15, 3. Cf. also J. Capart, Les debuts de 1’art en Egypte, 
Bruxelles 1904, 183 f.; Petrie, Amulets, London 1914, nr 245; 
Petrie. Prehistoric Egypt, London 1920, pi. 9, 6-8&36; (R. S. 
Bianchi), The Nodding Falcon of the Guennol Collection at 
the Brooklyn Museum, The Brooklyn Museum Annual IX, 
1967-68, 69 ff. 

2 E. J. Baumgartel, The Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt II, 
Oxford 1960, 75. 

3 Brunton, Qau and Badari I, pi. 20, nr. 63. 

4 Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, pi. 43, nr. 20. 

6 


the Stockholm falcon. It may even be of the same date 
as the Stockholm object. On stylistic grounds, Petrie 
dates it in the reign of King Zer 13 . 

The presentation of these examples may give some 
hints for the understanding of the stages in the stylistic 
development of archaic Egyptian art. The bold, ab¬ 
stract character of the animal design is here - as well as 
in other early cultures - a phenomenon of short dura¬ 
tion. But it has an archetypal importance in the legacy 
of Egyptian art. If we just look at these falcons, we can 
see how the items dating from King Zer’s time repres¬ 
ent a totally new conception in contrast to the Negadeh 
II type and its survivals of the 1st dynasty. The new 
conception is founded on the Negadeh II tradition but 
is at the starting-point of a completely new develop¬ 
ment of Egyptian art, in which abstract concepts and 
realistic form desiderata combine to form homogeneous 
works of art. 


5 E.g. Petrie, Abydos II, pi. 7, 81-83. 

8 Cf. W. Westendorf, Altagyptische Darstellungen des Son- 
nenlaufes auf der abschussigen Himmelsbahn, MAS 10, 
Berlin 1966. 

7 P. Kaplony, Sechs Konigsnamen der 1. Dynastie in neuer 
Deutung. Orientalia Suecana VII (1958), 1959, 54 ff., espe¬ 
cially 58 ff. 

8 Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt Corpus, London 1921, pi. 53, nr. 
20 C; idem, Prehistoric Egypt, pi. 43, nr. 20 C. 

9 Idem, Prehistoric Egypt Corpus, pi. 53, nr. 20 S (SD 77). 

10 H. Wild, Choix d'objets pr6-pharaoniques appartenant a 
des collections de Suisse, BIFA047, 1948, 1 ff., especially 44 
ff; Kunsthalle Basel, Schatze altagyptischer Kunst, Ausstel- 
lung 1953, Katalog, nr. 21. 

11 Now in the Cairo Museum: Petrie, Abydos II, pi. 9, nr. 205, 
see p. 27; also L. Borchardt, Zwei Sockel, ZAS 41, 1904, 
85 f., fig. 2. 

12 H. W. Muller, Agyptische Kunstwerke und Glas in der 
Samlung E. und M. Kofler-Truniger, Luzern, Berlin 1964, 
A 27; Geschenk des Nils. Agyptische Kunstwerke aus 
Schweizer Besitz, Zurich 1978, nr. 75. 

13 Petrie, Abydos II, 27; cf. H. Wild, op. cit., 47, note 1. 


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Drei altagyptische Wurfhdlzer 


Beate George 


Im Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm befmden sich drei 
Wurfhdlzer aus Agypten, und zwar zwei vollstandig 
erhaltene aus Holz und drei zusammengehorige Frag- 
mente eines Modellwurfholzes aus Fayence (Abb. 1), 
das jedoch inkomplett ist. Zwei der Fayencefragmente 
- alle drei tragen die Inventarnummer MM 10089 - 
sind modem aneinandergefugt. Ihre Lange betragt zu- 
sammen 16 cm, die Breite variiert von 2,7 cm am 
schmalsten Ende bis 3,9 cm an der breitesten Stelle, 
von wo aus sie bis auf 3,4 cm am anderen Ende zuriick- 
geht; die Dicke ist 1,5 cm. Diese zwei Bruchstucke 
tragen als Dekor auf beiden Seiten eine Kartusche mit 
Konigsnamen, ein Udjat-Auge mit einer aufgerichteten 
Kobra davor und zwei parallele Querstriche hinter dem 
Auge. Alles dies ist in dunkelbrauner Farbe auf ur- 
spriinglich hellgriin glasiertem Grunde ausgefiihrt, 
dessen Oberflache heute stark abgegriffen ist. Der 
Name in d en Kartuschen ist der Ramses’ II., 
(tot £5^1 , wsr ml c .t r c stp.n r c , auf der einen, 
r c ms 5w mrj jmn, auf der anderen 
Seite. Das dritte Fragment ist ein 8,8 cm langes, 3,2 cm 
breites und 1,5 dickes, am unbeschadigten Ende abge- 
rundetes Stuck mit zwei parallelen Querstrichen als 
Dekor auf nur einer Seite. Die Farbe dieser Bemalung 
ist ebenfalls dunkelbraun, und die Oberflache der Fa¬ 
yence ist dermassen schlecht erhalten, dass die hell- 
griine Glasur nur noch stellenweise zu ahnen ist. 

Diese drei Fragmente sind 1928 von Dr. Otto Smith 
dem Museum geschenkt worden. Ihre Herkunft ist un- 
bekannt. Mit Hilfe von Vergleichsstiicken lassen sich 
jedoch Aufschlusse liber diese, liber die urspriingliche 
Form des Gegenstandes und liber seine Anwendung 
und Bedeutung gewinnen. Wurfhdlzer aus Fayence mit 
Konigsnamen sind vor allem aus der 18. Dynastie reich- 
lich erhalten. Eine kurze chronologische Obersicht 
ergibt folgendes Bild. Ein Fragment mit der Kartusche 


Amenophis’ I. wurde im ,,Northern Temple 4 * in Buhen 
gefunden 1 . Von Thutmosis I. ist ein zerbrochenes, 
nicht ganz vollstandig erhaltenes Exemplar aus dem 
Hathortempel von Serabit im Sinai 2 bekannt. Zwei zu¬ 
sammengehorige Fragmente, jedoch ohne Inschrift, 
grub Petrie zusammen mit anderen Fayencegegenstan- 
den in den Tierkatakomben in Dendera inmitten ver- 
brannter Knochen aus 3 ; er schreibt diese Fayence- 
arbeiten Thutmosis III. oder Amenophis II. zu. Eindeu- 
tiger wird die Lage, wenn man Funde aus den thebani- 
schen Konigsgrabem heranzieht. Im Grabe Amenophis 4 
II. fanden sich insgesamt 17 Wurfhdlzer, davon 11 aus 
Fayence 4 . Alle waren zerbrochen, jedoch nur eins 
unvollstandig (Kairo 24 344). Zehn tragen einen Namen 
des Konigs. Die Form der Wurfhdlzer ist die eines 
flachen, leicht geschwungenen Stabes mit einem aus 
der Knimmung abgebogenen, sich leicht veijiingenden 
Ende. Der Dekor besteht aus verschiedenen Elementen, 
die alle zusammen oder vereinzelt auftreten: Paare von 
Querstrichen, die den Stab in Sektionen einteilen, 
Lotusblumen an einem oder beiden Enden, Udjat- 
Augen mit einer Kartusche dazwischen am abgebogen¬ 
en oberen Teil. Die Lange variiert von 18 bis 55 cm. 

Aus Thutmosis’ IV. Grabe 5 stammen nicht weniger 
als 19 Wurfhdlzer aus blauer Fayence, 25 bis 48,5 cm 
lang, alle zerbrochen und ftinf inkomplett, mit ahnli- 
chen Dekorelementen und von ahnlicher Form wie im 
Falle Amenophis’ II.; vier tragen keinen Konigsna- 
men. Von Amenophis III. ist ausser einem Fragment 
aus blauer Fayence in Hildesheim (Lange 11,5 cm) 6 ein 
beschadigtes Beispiel ohne Spitze aus Serabit 7 be¬ 
kannt. 

Ein neuer Typ, der sich bis in die Ramessidenzeit 
verfolgen lasst, taucht anscheinend mit der Amarna- 
Zeit auf, von deren Stil auch die Funde aus dem konig- 
lichen Grab 55 in Theben gepragt sind. Die 14 Wurfhol- 

7 


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zer 8 aus griiner Fayence mit ausser den Querstrichen 
kaum noch sichtbarem Dekor sind nur einfach ge- 
schwungen ohne Abknickung, stattdessen verbreitert 
sich der am starksten gebogene Teil, um dann in einen 
runden knopfartigen Abschluss auszulaufen. Innerhalb 
dieses Typs lassen sich zwei Varianten unterscheiden, 
die der englische Ausgraber folgendermassen charak- 
terisiert: ,,In the first (type) the two extremities are 
rounded, and the section of the whole length is a very 
flat oval; eight of these have been found in lengths 
ranging from 0 m. 120 to 0 m. 148. The six specimens of 
the second type are rather more bent, the end nearest 
the broadened part is rounded, but the haft is of round 
section and is square at the end. Their length is from 0 
m. 120 to 0 m. 158.“ 

Abgesehen von der Grosse - das Stockholmer Wurf- 
holz konnte etwa 50 cm lang gewesen sein - scheint die 
erste Variante (Abb. 2) unserem Wurfholz am nachsten 



2. Ein Fayence wurfholz aus dem koniglichen Grabe 55 in 
Theben. Nach Davis, Tomb of Queen Tiyi. 


zu kommen. Die beiden zusammengefugten Stticke mit 
Udjat-Auge, Kobra und Kartusche an der breitesten 
Stelle des Stabes diirften das obere Ende sein, an dem 
der knopfartige Abschluss fehlt. Das dritte Fragment 
ist der untere abgerundete Abschluss. Der Querschnitt 
aller drei Bruchstucke ist ein flaches Oval. 

Beispiele fur die zweite Variante - starkere Schwin- 
gung, gerader unterer Abschluss - kommen auch sonst 
noch vor. Hierzu gehort ein blaues Fayence wurfholz 
im British Museum, mit Echnatons Namen be- 
schrieben und moglicherweise aus seinem Grabe in 
Amarna stammend 9 . Die blaue Fayence ist mit Lotus- 
blume, Kartusche und Udjat-Auge verziert. Ahnlich an 
Farbe und Dekor ist auch ein Fayencewurfholz Tutan- 
chamuns in Leiden 10 (Lange 37,5 cm), das schon vor 
der Entdeckung seines Grabes in den Handel geraten 
und von dem Leidener Museum gekauft worden ist. In 
diesem Falle ist die Schwingung flacher. Zwei Frag- 
mente eines weiteren Wurfholzes Tutanchamuns 
(Lange 9 cm) befanden sich ebenfalls seit langem in 
einer Privatsammlung, von der sie ins British Museum 
ubergegangen sind 11 . In beiden Fallen wird eine Her- 


kunft aus dem Grabe aufgrund einer fruheren Plunde- 
rung angenommen. Weitere Fayencewurfholzer sind 
bei Carters Ausgrabungen zutage getreten 12 . Aus der 
19. Dynastie sind Fragmente mit dem Namen Sethos’ 

I. und Ramses* II. aus Serabit bekannt 13 . Die nachste 
Parallele zu den Stockholmer Fragmenten ist - abgese¬ 
hen von den oben erwahnten Beispielen aus Grab 55 - 
ein fast vollstandig aus Bruchstiicken zusammen- 
gesetztes Fayencewurfholz mit dem Namen Ramses’ 

II. aus Serabit (Abb. 3) M . Bis auf den knopfartigen 



3. Ein Fayencewurfholz Ramses’ II. aus dem Hathortempel 
von Serabit. Nach Petrie, Researches in Sinai. 


Abschluss am oberen Ende ist es fast ganz erhalten und 
zeigt die Form, zu der man auch die drei Fragmente im 
Medelhavsmuseet rekonstruieren kann. Spat ere Bei¬ 
spiele - z.B. von Merenptah - haben, soweit sie nicht 
zu bruchstiickhaft sind, dieselbe Gestalt 15 . 

Alle hier behandelten Fayencewurfholzer stammen 
entweder aus Grabern, wo sie zum weiteren Gebrauch 
des Toten bestimmt waren, oder aus Tempeln, wo sie 
einerseits als Gaben an die Gottheit wie in Serabit an 
Hathor gedient haben konnen, wo sie andererseits aber 
auch als Grundsteinbeigaben verwendet worden sind, 
wie unpublizierte Fragmente mit dem Namen der Hat- 
schepsut und ihrer Mutter Ahmose aus Deir el Bahari 
zeigen 18 . Fur die Stockholmer Fragmente muss offen- 
bleiben, ob sie fur Grab oder Tempel bestimmt waren. 

Einfacher ist meist die Form der holzernen Wurfhol- 
zer. Diese werden teilweise ebenfalls als ,,Modellwurf- 
holzer“ bezeichnet 17 , obwohl sie der Grosse und dem 
Material nach oftmals durchaus praktischen Zwecken 
gedient haben konnten. Zwei Beispiele aus Holz - MM 
11 230 und 19 776 - befinden sich im Medelhavsmuseet. 
MM 11 230 (Abb. 4) stammt aus der Gayer-Anderson- 
Sammlung und soil in Sakkara gekauft worden sein. 
Seine Lange betragt 59 cm, die Breite 3,5 cm mit einer 
Verjiingung bis zu 1,6 cm an dem einen Ende und einer 


9 


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4. MM 11 230 (Seite ohne Dekor). 
10 



5. Detail von MM 11 230. 

Verbreiterung bis zu 4,8 cm am anderen. Der Quer- 
schnitt ist flach oval. Das Material ist ein dunkles Holz. 
Das Wurfholz ist leicht geschwungen und lauft zum 
oberen gebogenen Ende hin spitz und flach zu. Das 
untere verbreiterte Ende ist etwas verdickt und leicht 
gerundet. In seiner Nahe befmdet sich ein Astloch oder 
eine Durchbohrung. Auf einer Seite der Spitze zu sind 
Figuren grob eingeritzt (Abb. 5): dem Ende zugewandt 
sitzt ein Mann auf einem Stuhl; in der rechten Hand 
halt er etwas, das den vor ihm stehenden Hund anzu- 
locken scheint. Hinter diesem ist ein lowenkopfiges 
Totenbett im Profil und dariiber ein Krokodil in Auf- 
sicht wiedergegeben, dahinter steht ausserdem noch 
ein ganseartiger Vogel. Alle Tiere sind dem Sitzenden 
zugewandt. Die Bedeutung dieser Bilder ist nicht un- 
mittelbar klar. Am leichtesten scheint der Vogel ver- 
standlich zu sein, da die Verwendung von Wurfholzem 
bei der Vogeljagd wohlbekannt ist; das Krokodil konn- 
te allenfalls die Papyrussiimpfe, in denen diese Jagd 
stattfindet, andeuten. Ein Zusammenhang mit dem Rest 
der Darstellung und deren Bedeutung sind jedoch 
schwierig zu bestimmen. Die Aufreihung erinnert et¬ 
was an den Dekor der sog. Zaubermesser sowie auch 
einiger Stabe aus Holz bzw. Steatit, deren Deutung 
auch nicht leicht zu bestimmen ist 18 . 

MM 19776 stammt wahrscheinlich ebenfalls aus 
Gayer-Andersons Sammlung (Abb. 6). Es ist 56,5 cm 
lang, 3,3-4,4 cm breit und 1,6-2 cm dick. Es besteht 
aus hellem Holz und tragt Reste eines Uberzuges. Auf 
beiden Seiten weist es der Lange nach eine erhohte 
Mittellinie auf, so dass ein rhombischer Querschnitt 
entsteht 19 . Auf einer Seite lauft ein Sprung fast an der 
ganzen Erhohung entlang. Das Wurfholz ist nur leicht 
gebogen und verdickt sich etwas gegen beide Enden 
hin, von denen das eine sich ausserdem auch verbrei- 
tert. 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 



6. MM 19776 



7. Ein holzemes Wurfholz Echnatons. Nach Martin, Royal 
Tomb at El- ‘Amarna I. 


Parallelen aus Holz sind viel haufiger als aus Fayen- 
ce, sie sind aus alien Epochen belegt und kommen 
sowohl bei Konigen als auch Privatleuten vor 20 . Ihre 
Form variiert von einer gleichmassigen leichten 
Biegung bis zu starker Kriimmung ungefahr in der Mit- 
te Oder mehr zu einem Ende hin. Auch Sonderformen, 
die in Schlangenkopfe auslaufen und den Fayence- 
wurfholzem mit abgeknicktem Ende gleichen 21 , kom¬ 
men vor. Von ahnlicher Form wie die Stockholmer 
Wurfholzer - obwohl das zugespitzte Ende von MM 
11 230 sonst nur vereinzelt vorzukommen scheint 22 und 
obwohl eine erhohte Mittelrippe wie bei MM 19776 
nach den Photos sonst an keinem andern Exemplar 
deutlich festzustellen ist - sind unter den koniglichen 
Beispielen besonders je ein Wurfholz Amenophis* II. 23 
und Echnatons (Abb. 7) 24 , unter den privaten z.B. drei 
aus Beni Hassan 25 , eins aus einem thebanischen Grab 
der 11. Dynastie 26 , eins aus Senenmuts Grab 27 und eins 
aus einem Grabe der 18. Dynastie in der Nahe der 
Mastabat Faraoun 28 . Als Herkunftsort werden stets 
Graber angenommen, auch wenn dies nicht immer si- 
cher dokumentiert ist. Danach darf man wohl anneh- 
men, dass auch die Stockholmer Exemplare aus fune- 
rarem Zusammenhang stammen. Ihre Datierung lasst 
sich aufgrund der Parallelen, die einem langen Zeit- 
raum entstammen, nicht prazisieren. 

Uber Verwendung und Bedeutung derartiger Wurf¬ 
holzer gibt vor allem der Dekor von Grabanlagen Auf- 
schluss. Hier erscheinen sie Oder ihnen ahnliche Gera- 
te, die eine nahere Untersuchung und Abgrenzung wert 
waren, in verschiedenen Zusammenhangen. Als 
Kampfwaffe kommen sie wohl hauptsachlich bei Aus- 

11 


Digitized by v^ooole 




8. Die Jagd mit dem Wurfholz im Grabe des Nacht, Theben 
Nr. 52. Nach Davies, Tomb of Nakht. 


landern vor 29 , wozu auch die agyptische Bezeichnung 
c lm (WB I 167,18 ff) bzw. (WB 1 186,2) passt, die 
mit dem agyptischen Wort fur ,,Asiate“ zusammen- 
hangt 30 . Am wichtigsten zum Verstandnis der Wurfhol- 
zer sind aber die bekannten und haufig belegten Szenen 
der Vogeljagd in den Papyrussumpfen, oft zusammen 
mit dem Fischespeeren dargestellt, die den Grabherrn 
in einem Boot stehend zeigen, wie er in der hocherho- 
benen Hand ein Wurfholz schwingt und mit der ande- 
ren mehrere Vogel an den Ftissen packt, eine Kompo- 
sition, die moglicherweise Beginn und Resultat der 
Jagd simultan in einem Bilde zusammenfasst (Abb. 
8) 31 . Obwohl bei weitem am haufigsten in Privatgrabem 
des Alten und Mittleren Reiches und der 18. Dynastie 32 
erhalten, scheint die Vogeljagd mit dem Wurfholz an- 
fangs ein konigliches Privilegium gewesen zu sein 33 , 
worauf noch Details der Tracht des Grabherrn deuten 
konnen 34 , welches von der 5. Dynastie an von den 
Hofbeamten in das Dekorprogramm ihrer Graber auf- 
genommen werden konnte. 

Die Bedeutung dieser Jagd sowohl fur Konige als 
auch fur Beamte zu Lebzeiten einerseits und im Jen- 

12 


seits andererseits diirfte - wie die meisten Phanomene 
in Agypten - mehrschichtig gewesen sein. Eine kleine 
Auswahl von Texten zu Vogeljagd und Wurfholz in 
Kombination mit den Grabbildem lasst mindestens 
vier verschiedene Sinnmoglichkeiten aufscheinen. Die 
erste ist anzunehmen, dass die Vogeljagd in diesem 
Leben zum Vergniigen und zur Erholung als Sport und 
kultisches Spiel betrieben wurde, die man auch im 
Jenseits weiterhin ausiiben wollte. Die Beischriften zu 
den Grabbildem des Alten Reiches 35 sind oft sehr lako- 
nisch wie ,,das Wurfholz werfen 44 , ,,das Wurfholz auf 
die Vogel werfen 44 , ,,das Wurfholz auf die Nester der 
Vogel werfen 44 . Ausfiihrlicher sind die Grabinschriften 
der 18. Dynastie, die sowohl das Vergniigen als auch 
die Feldgottin Sechet, die Herrin der Fisch- und Vogel¬ 
jagd erwahnen 38 und die Jagd in den Papyrussumpfen 
als ,,Dienst derSechet“ bezeichnen: ,,Sich vergnugen, 
Schones beschauen, einen Auftrag ausfuhren als 
Dienst der Sechet durch den Genossen der Herrin des 
Vogel- und Fischfanges 44 , heisst es etwa bei Nacht 37 . 
Wie alle anderen Bereiche des Lebens sind in Agypten 
auch Spiel und Sport Gottheiten unterstellt und konnen 


Digitized by v^ooQle 






damit kultische Aspekte haben. Folgende Deutung ist 
schon von Balcz vorgeschlagen worden 38 : urspriinglich 
handele es sich um Jagdfahrten ins Papyrusdickicht, 
bei denen man auf die Hilfe der Feldgottin fur das 
Gelingen und auf die Gewahrung reicher Beute durch 
sie hoffte. Diese Fahrten seien allmahlich in Wallfahr- 
ten umgedeutet worden, bei denen zu Ehren der Sechet 
gejagt und auch Papyrus geschiittelt bzw. gepfluckt 
wurde 39 . Diese letzte Handlung wird auch zu Ehren der 
Hathor ausgefuhrt, wie auch das Wurfholz ein ihr heili- 
ges Gerat gewesen sein kann 40 . An Balcz’ Deutung ist 
vielleicht nur auszusetzen, dass er Jagd und Kult zu 
trennen versucht, die fur die Agypter sicher zusam- 
mengehoren konnten. 

Auf eine derartige Zusammengehorigkeit lassen ein 
paar weitere Texte schliessen. Von den Freuden der 
Fisch- und Vogeljagd spricht ausftihrlich ein literari- 
scher Text des Mittleren Reiches 41 , der den Erfolg der 
Gunst der Sechet zuschreibt und auch erwahnt, dass 
die Jager dem Krokodilgott Sobek ein Opfer von der 
Beute an Fischen und Vogeln darbringen. Weitere lite- 
rarische Fragmente aus derselben Zeit 42 handeln vom 
Jagdausflug eines Konigs ins Fajum. Auch dabei ist 
von einem Opfer eines Teils der Jagdbeute an eine 
Gottheit die Rede, und die Erschaffung der Wasservo- 
gel scheint der Gottin Sechet zugeschrieben zu wer- 
den. Auch von koniglichen Jagdausflugen berichtet 
schliesslich der Beamte Sebekhotep auf seiner Hocker- 
statue 43 . Er was Organisator der Ausfahrten Thutmo- 
sis’ IV. ins Fajum und hebt hervor, dass der Konig zu 
seiner Freude Bootsfahrten untemahm und dabei Vo¬ 
gel mit dem Wurfholz erlegte und Fisc he speerte. Der 
Konig wird als ,,Geliebter der Sechet,... Geliebter des 
Sobek, Fisch- und Vogelfanger der beiden Herrinnen 44 
bezeichnet. 

Dass auch der Tote im Jenseits der Vogeljagd nach- 
gehen wollte, wird aus Sargtextspruch 62 deutlich 44 . In 
diesem Spruch wird dem Toten neues Leben und Be- 
wegungs- und Tatigkeitsfreiheit zugesichert. Uber die 
Vogeljagd heisst es dort: ,,es werden zu dir kommen 
Wasservogel zu Tausenden, die auf deinem Weg 
liegen. Du wirfst dein Wurfholz auf sie, und Tausende 
sind es, die fallen bei dem Gerausch seines Luftzuges, 
namlich sr-G anse, Griinbrustvogel, /rp-Ganse und 
mannliche sf-Ganse 44 (CT I 269 e-j). 

Die zweite Moglichkeit, warum Wurfholzer mit ins 
Grab gegeben wurden, kann darin gesehen werden, 
dass sie als Verteidigungswaffen gegen gefahrliche We- 
sen im Jenseits dienen sollten. In Sargtextspruch 686 
z.B., der vom Vertreiben von Schlangen handelt. 


heisst es, dass dem Toten Wurfholzer gegeben sind, 
mit denen er die Kopfe der Schlangen zerschlagt (CT 
VI 316 e). Dies erinnert an die oben erwahnten Wurf¬ 
holzer, die in Schlangenkdpfe auslaufen: eine Gefahr 
kann am besten mit ihresgleichen bekampft werden. 
Andererseits kann der Tote selbst auch von den Wurf- 
holzern damonischer Wesen in der Unterwelt bedroht 
sein. Sargtextspruch 418 ist ein Mittel, um diese Gefahr 
abzuwenden: die Wurfholzer werden beschworen zu- 
riickzukehren und herunterzufallen, um dem Toten 
nicht schaden zu konnen. Auch in diesem Falle kann 
man sich vorstellen, dass ausser dem Spruch noch die 
Waffe selbst mit ins Grab gegeben wurde, um Gleiches 
mit Gleichem zu bekampfen. 

Eine dritte Bedeutungsmoglichkeit des Wurfholzes 
in Zusammenhang mit der Vogeljagd ist die Vernich- 
tung des Bosen zur Aufrechterhaltung der Weltord- 
nung. Dieses nicht nur in Agypten, sondern in ver- 
schiedenen Kulturen 45 anzutreffende Phanomen beruht 
wohl auf dem Schuldgefuhl der eng in die Natur ein- 
gebundenen Menschen, durch ihr Eingreifen, das Ja- 
gen, Disharmonie und Tod in die Welt zu bringen. 
Dieses Gefuhl wird auf das zu erlegende Tier projiziert, 
das zum Siindenbock erklart wird. Was Agypten anbe- 
langt, wird die Jagd damit in einen Akt religios-politi- 
schen Verdienstes umgedeutet: in den Tieren werden 
Feinde des Konigs, der auf Erden Stellvertreter des 
Schopfergottes und Verwalter der Maat, der Gerech- 
tigkeit und Richtigkeit in alien Angelegenheiten des 
Lebens ist, bestraft und vemichtet. Diese Rolle der 
Feinde kann u.a. Vogeln zugeteilt werden. Z.B. ist ein 
falkengestaltiger Gott der Vogeljagd bekannt, der mit 
einem Wurfholz versehen ist und beim sog. Rebellen- 
fest den Feinden des Konigs den Kopf abschneidet 46 . 
Noch bis in griechisch-romische Zeit ist als Ritual das 
,.Darbringen des Strausses der Sechet 44 belegt, bei 
dem der Konig der Gottin einen Strauss aus den Sym- 
bolpflanzen des vereinigten Agypten, Papyrus und Lo¬ 
tus, mit angebundenen Vogeln, seinen Feinden, dar- 
bringt 47 . Den Sinn der Feindvernichtung konnten 
schliesslich sowohl die Fayencewurfholzer aus dem 
Hathortempel von Serabit als auch die Szene der Vo¬ 
geljagd, die der Konig vor dem Gotte Min ausfiihrt, im 
Tempel von Kom Ombo haben 48 . 

Sich bei der Vogeljagd in seinem Grabe darstellen zu 
lassen oder ein Wurfholz als Bestandteil der Grabaus- 
riistung zu haben, kann somit fur den Privatmann be- 
deuten, sich in diesem Leben wie auch im nachsten als 
Anhanger des Konigs und Bekampfer der Machte des 
Chaos zu erweisen. 


13 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 



Die vierte Bedeutungsmoglichkeit ist die am 
schwersten zu entschlusselnde und vielleicht gerade 
deswegen auch die wichtigste. Sie geht davon aus, dass 
die Szene der Vogeljagd - wie auch eine Reihe anderer 
- amphibolisch aufzufassen sei, dass sie nicht aus- 
schliesslich auf ihren offensichtlichen Bildinhalt fest- 
zulegen, sondern vielmehr in ihrem Sinnzusammen- 
hang im Grabe wie eine Hieroglypheninschrift zu lesen 
und dem funeraren Kontext gemass zu deuten sei 49 . 
Statt kml - ,,werfen (WB V 33,8-16) des Wurfholzes 44 
konnte ein Agypter auch das identisch geschriebene 
kml - ,,schaffen, erzeugen, hervorbringen 44 (WB V 
34-35) lesen, d.h. das Bild der Vogeljagd enthielte eine 
Andeutung auf die Wiedergeburt des Grabbesitzers, 
der das Grab selbst und die ganze Grabausriistung 


1 D. Randall-Maciver-C. L. Woolley, Buhen, Philadelphia 
1911, Text: 93; Plates: 43, no. 10 940. 

* W. M. FI. Petrie, Researches in Sinai, London 1906, 144 und 
fig. 150, 1. Petrie betrachtet die Wurfholzer als „wands“ und 
bringt sie mit Musik und Tanz in Zusammenhang. 

3 W. M. FI. Petrie, Dendereh, London 1900, 28, pi. 23,2-3. 

4 G. Daressy, Fouilles de la vallee des rois, CGC, Le Caire 
1902, 116 ff, pi. 27. Die Farbe ist leider fast nie angegeben, wo 
es doch der Fall ist, handelt es sich um blaue Fayence. Die S. 
288 erwahnten Wurfholzer Thutmosis' Ill. - 2 aus Holz, eins 
aus Fayence - sind leider nicht abgebildet. 

5 H. Carter-P. E. Newberry, The Tomb of Thoutmosis IV, 
CGC, Westminster 1904, 110 ff, pi. 25. 

6 Meisterwerke altagyptischer Keramik, Hachenburg 1978, 
Nr. 319; als Herkunft wird sein Grab angenommen. 

7 Petrie. Sinai, fig. 150,2. 

14 


dienen sollen. Zu dieser Deutung passt, dass der das 
Wurfholz werfende Tote fast stets von seiner Frau 
begleitet ist, in einzelnen Fallen kommen seine Mutter 
Oder Tochter vor. Eine Wiedergeburt setzt eine 
Neuzeugung voraus. Da nach agyptischer Kamutef- 
Vorstellung Vater und Sohn eins sind oder anders aus- 
gedriickt der vergottlichte Verstorbene gleichzeitig 
Gatte und Sohn derselben Frau sein kann, kann er sich 
standig durch sie neu hervorbringen und auf diese Wei- 
se im Kreislauf von Werden und Vergehen unsterblich 
sein. Alle diese Implikationen konnen im Bilde der 
Vogeljagd gegenwartig sein, und vielleicht reichte so- 
gar ein einzelnes ins Grab mitgegebenes Wurfholz aus, 
den Toten an alien mit diesem Gegenstande verbunde- 
nen Wirkungen teilhaben zu lassen. 


8 Th. M. Davis et al.. The Tomb of Queen Tlyi, London 1910, 
p. 38 no. 48; pi. 5,2-4. Das Grab ist an Teje, Semenchkare und 
Echnaton zugeschrieben worden. 

9 G. Th. Martin, The Royal Tomb of El- c Amama, London 
1974, 81 f, no. 301; pi. 51. 

10 W. D. van Wijngaarden, Objects of Tut c ankhamun in the 
Rijksmuseum of Antiquities at Leiden, JEA 22, 1936, 1 f, pi. 1 
no. 2. 

11 H. R. Hall, Objects of Tut c ankhamun in the British Muse¬ 
um, JEA 14, 1928, 74 ff, pi. 9 no. 4. 

12 H. Murray-M. Nuttall, A Handlist to Howard Carter's 
Catalogue of Objects in Tut c ankhamfln’s Tomb, Oxford 1963, 
nos 620(9, 10); 620(7,8) sind aus Holz, Gold und Fayence. Es 
kommen auch Exemplare aus Elfenbein vor: 620(4-6). 

13 Petrie, Sinai, fig. 150,3 bzw. 4 und 6. 

H Ibid., fig. 150,5. 


Digitized by c.oooLe 



15 Ibid., fig. 150,7: Merenptah; 150,8: Ramses III. u. 150,9: 
Ramses IV. sind zu fragmentarisch. 

,fl PM II 369: Cairo Mus. Ent. 47715. 

17 U.a. Martin, op. cit., 98 no. 441. 

18 Cf. H. Altenmiiller, Die Apotropaia und die Gotter Mittel- 
agyptens I—II, 1965; G. Daressy, Un casse-tete prehistorique 
en bois de Gebelein, ASAE 22, 1922, 17 ff mit Tafel; W. C. 
Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt I, New York 1953, 227 f, fig. 
143. Eine eingehende Untersuchung der Wurfholzer und eine 
Abgrenzung von anderen Staben, Stocken usw. ware sicher 
lohnend, da recht verschiedene Ansichten in der Literatur 
vorgetragen werden. Daressy, Fouilles, I 16 ff nennt die hol- 
zernen Wurfholzer Amenophis’ II. z.B. ,.baton courb6“ oder 
,,baton magique 44 . A. Hassan, Stabe und Stocke im Pharaoni- 
schen Agypten, Miinchen-Berlin 1976, 78, 80, 91 halt manche 
Wurfholzer nur fur einfache Stocke. Auch herrscht Unklar- 
heit, inwieweit es sich im einzelnen Falle um ein von selbst 
zuriickkehrendes Wurfholz, einen Bumerang, handelt, oder 
um eins, das man selbst nach jedem Wurf zuriickholen muss. 

19 Dies ist nach den Bildem der Parallelen sonst nirgends 
sicher festzustellen. 

20 G. A. Reisner, Excavations at Kerma IV-V, Cambridge 
Mass. 1923, 245 Anm. 2 erwahnt ein unpubliziertes AR-Wurf- 
holz aus Naga ed Deir. Cf. auch pi. 51,3. Petrie, The Royal 
Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties II, London 1901, 37, pi. 
36,1,2,14; 39, pi. 44,2,22. Id., Tools and Weapons, London 
1917, 36, pi. 43,1-7, pi. 69,8-13 (mit auslandischen Bei- 
spielen). Hayes, op. cit. I, 284, fig. 181; II, 212, fig. 125. J. 
Gars tang, Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt, London 1907, 
162, fig. 166. Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, London 1907, 14, pi. 13 
nos 12-13. G. Jequier, Le Mastabat Faraoun, Le Caire 1928, 
33 fig. 30. B. Bruyere, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el 
Medineh (1934-1935) II, Le Caire 1937, 52, fig. 25; 123, fig. 
69. Daressy, Fouilles, 115, pi. 27. Martin, op. cit., 98 no. 441, 
pi. 57. Carter, The Tomb of Tut-ankh-Amen III, London 
1933, 141 f, pi. 76 C, 77 A, B. Petrie, Illahun, Kahun and 
Gurob, London 1891, 22, pi. 27 no. 43. 

11 Thutmosis III.: Daressy, Fouilles, S. 288. Amenophis II.: 
ibid., pi. 27. Grabbilder: z.B. Menna: W. Wreszinski, Atlas 
zur altagyptischen Kulturgeschichte I, Leipzig 1923, Taf. 2. 
BM 37 977: ibid., Taf. 423. Konig Eje: A. PiankofT, Les pein- 
tures dans la tombe du roi Ai, MDAIK 16, 1958, 247 ff, Taf. 
21,2. Hier seien auch die Stabe mit Gazellenkopfen erwahnt, 
die Tanzer schwingen: Petrie, Deshasheh, London 1898,8, pi. 
12. Stabe mit Widderkopfen erscheinen bei der Mundoffnung: 
Jequier, Les frises d’objets des sarcophages du Moyen Empi¬ 
re, MIFAO 47, 1921, 323, fig. 836; cf. auch L. Keimer, Re- 
marques sur quelques representations de divinites-beliers et 
sur un groupe d’objets de culte conserves au Musee du Caire, 
ASAE 38, 1938, 297 ff, bes. 323 ff und pi. 44. 

22 Petrie, Tools and Weapons, pi. 69,11. Id., Royal Tombs II, 
pi. 36, 1,11. 

23 Daressy, Fouilles, pi. 27 nr 24331 (statt falschlich 34331). 

24 Martin, op. cit., pi. 57. 

25 Garstang, op. cit.. Fig. 166: das 1., 4. und 5. von oben 


gerechnet. 

28 Hayes, Scepter I, fig. 181: das 3. von oben links. 

27 Ibid. II, fig. 125: oben links. 

28 Jequier, Mastabat Faraoun, fig 30. 

29 W. Wolf, Die Bewaffnung des altagyptischen Heeres, Leip¬ 
zig 1926, 7, 13 sagt, das Wurfholz komme als Kriegswaffe in 
Agypten nicht vor, anders H. Bonnet, Die Waffen der Volker 
des alten Orients, Leipzig 1926, 108 f, der ausserdem sowohl 
agyptische als auch auslandische Typen zeigt. 

30 Weitere Worter sind m c jlt (WB II 46,10) und kml (WB V 
33,7), das mit km , werfen, zusammenhangt. 

31 So Vandier, Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne IV, Paris 
1964, 721, eine andere Erklarung 747. 

32 Listen ibid., 718 f und 758 f. Zu spateren Beispielen ibid., 
772, fig. 428; E. de Keyser, Scenes de chasse et peche, CdE 
43, 1947, 42 ff, bes. 43 ; W. Wolf, Die Kunst Agyptens, Stutt¬ 
gart 1957, 647 und Abb. 695. 

33 Vandier, op. cit., 718 nennt als friihestes konigliches Bei- 
spiel eine Szene der Thinitenzeit, bei der jedoch nur das 
Fischespeeren und nicht die Vogeljagd erhalten ist, spatere 
konigliche Exempel sind Sahure und Eje. 

34 Zu den verschiedenen Deutungen der Tracht cf. E. Staehe- 
lin, Untersuchungen zur agyptischen Tracht im Alten Reich, 
Berlin 1966, 250 ff. 

35 Literaturhinweise bei Vandier, op. cit., 718 f, cf. auch P. 
Montet, Les scenes de la vie priv6e dans les tombeaux egyp- 
tiens de 1’ancien empire, Strasbourg 1925, 18 ff. 

36 H. Balcz, Zu den Szenen der Jagdfahrten im Papyrosdik- 
kicht, ZAS 75, 1939, 32 ff, bes. 37; auch H. Junker, Giza III, 
Wien-Leipzig 1938, 76 ff. W. Guglielmi, die Feldgottin Sh. t, 
WdO 7, 1974, 206 ff. 

37 N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Nakht at Thebes, New York 
1917, pi. 22; ahnlich auch Urkunden IV 107, 512, 1202, 1397, 
1605, 1607. 

38 Op. cit., 37. 

39 Eine zusammen mit der Jagd oft dargestellte Szene, dazu 
zuletzt Y. M. Harpur, ZiJ wld Scenes of the Old Kingdom, 
GM 38, 1980, 53 ff. 

40 de Keyser, op. cit., 49. 

41 W. Decker, Quellentexte zu Sport und Korperkultur im 
alten Agypten, Sankt Augustin 1975, 31 ff, Dok. 8. 

42 Ibid., 38 ff, Dok. 9. 

43 Ibid., 66 ff, Dok. 22. 

44 R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts I, War¬ 
minster 1973, 58; H. Grapow, Die Vogeljagd mit dem Wurf¬ 
holz, ZAS 47, 1910, 132 ff. 

45 Z.B. H. Findeisen, Schamanentum, Stuttgart 1957. 

46 P. Kaplony, Studien zum Grab des Methethi, Miesbach 
1976, 16. 

47 W. Guglielmi, Zur Symbolik des ,,Darbringens des Straus¬ 
ses der Sh.t“, ZAS 103, 1976, 101 ff. 

48 Cf. Wolf, Die Kunst Agyptens, Abb. 695. 

49 W. Westendorf, Bemerkungen zur ,,Kammer der Wieder- 
geburt“ im Tutanchamungrab. ZAS 94, 1967, 139 ff, bes. 142 
f. 


15 


Digitized by L.oooLe 



Eine Frauenmaske im Medelhavsmuseet 


Ldszlo Kakosy 


Die bemalte Frauenmaske wurde vom Museum im Jah- 
re 1933 als Geschenk erworben. Friiher befand sie sich 
in der Privatsammlung Nils Rettig. Weitere Angaben 
stehen von ihrer Provenienz nicht zur Verfugung. Ho- 
he 37 cm. 1 Sie wurde aus Lein wand hergestellt und ist 
mit einer Stuckschicht iiberzogen. Das Stuck ist be- 
schadigt, der Unterteil der Riickseite fehlt, einige Teile 
der Stuckschicht sind abgefallen. Das Gesicht ist gelb 
bemalt, die grossen dunklen Augen sind etwas empor- 
gerichtet. Das in der Mitte gescheitelte Haar wurde 
offenbar nachtraglich angebracht und wurde in kleine 
Wellen modelliert. Die Ohren mit Gehangen sind gros- 
senteils vom Haar bedeckt, (Abb. 1 a-d). 

Auf dem Scheitel befindet sich ein gefliigelter 
schwarzer Skarabaus. Zwei Anch-Zeichen und eine 
rote Scheibe (Schen-Kreis, SnJ* werden von ihm gehal- 
ten. Hinter dem Skarabaus ist ein Geier mit ausgebrei- 
teten Fliigeln dargestellt. Der unpassende Schopf auf 
seinem Kopf darf vielleicht als ein Missverstandnis der 
oberagyptischen oder der Doppelkrone angesehen 
werden. 3 Das Gefieder ist teilweise rot bemalt, in sei- 
nen Krallen halt er zwei lange rotbemalte Wedel. Wir 
werden versuchen, die Zusammengehorigkeit des Ska¬ 
rabaus und des Geiers (Szene I.) noch zu erweisen, 
(Abb. 2). 

Nachher, schon am Hinterteil der Maske folgt eine 
Szene des Sonnenaufgangs. Zwischen Lotosbliiten und 
Knospen ist der Oberkorper eines Mannes zu sehen, 
zwischen seinen aufgehobenen Handen ist die Son- 
nenscheibe angebracht. Die Hautfarbe des Mannes ist 
rot, die Sonnenscheibe und die Lotosknospen sind 
ebenfalls rot bemalt. Rechts und links wird die Sonne 
von je zwei AfFen begriisst (Szene II.). Beiderseits wird 
die Szene mit dem Bild einer Krone abgeschlossen. 
(Abb. 3 a-c). 

Dieses Bild ist durch einen ziemlich breiten Streifen 


von einer gefliigelten Sonnenscheibe darunter ge- 
trennt. Zwischen zwei herabhangenden Urausschlan- 
gen steht ein Osiris mit Atefkrone, Krummstab und 
Geissel. Ein Teil des Gefieders, die zentrale grosse 
Sonnenscheibe sowie die anderen beiden auf dem Kopf 
der Schlangen und das Kleid des Osiris sind rot. Die 
beiden vertikalen Inschriftzeilen wurden nur mit je 
einem roten Strich ausgefullt (Szene III.). Von dem 
untersten Bild sind nur Bruchstucke erhalten, (Abb. 4). 

Rechts von der mittleren Bilderreihe sind zwei Sze- 
nen untereinander angebracht. In der oberen steht Osi¬ 
ris mit den gewdhnlichen Attributen im Mittelpunkt, 
neben ihm beiderseits zwei kniende Gestalten mit ge- 
bundenen Armen. Sie werden durch Anubis und Horns 
mit Lanzen niedergestossen. Beiderseits wird die Sze¬ 
ne durch zwei betende Frauen in weissem Kleid und 
mit einem weissen Band in den Haaren flankiert. Osi¬ 
ris ist wiederum rot, die zwei Gotter und die Gotter- 
feinde tragen weisse Kleider, Osiris, Anubis und Horns 
iiber dem Kleid einen gestreiften Mantel. Die horizon- 
talen und vertikalen Inschriftzeilen sind leer geblieben. 
(Szene IV.), (Abb. 5). 

Darunter befindet sich in einem rechteckigen Bild- 
feld eine Anbetungsszene (Szene V.). Der mumienge- 
staltige Gott tragt die Sonnenscheibe auf seinem Kopf. 
Sein Gewand ist rot, der Oberteil des Kleides und sein 
Mantel schwarz gestreift. Die Zeichnung ist nicht voll- 
kommen klar, doch diirfte es wahrscheinlich sein, dass 
wir einen falkenkopfigen Gott vor uns haben. Wenn 
das stimmt, dann muss er als Sokaris-Osiris angesehen 
werden. Vor ihm betet eine Frau in dunklem Gewand, 
auf ihrem Kopf ist die Sonnenscheibe abgebildet. Hin¬ 
ter dem Gott breitet eine Schlange die Fugel schutzend 
urn den Gott aus. Die Hieroglyphe auf ihrem Kopf 
erweist sie als Isis. Die betende Frau durfte die Ver- 
storbene selbst darstellen, (Abb. 5). 


16 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 







Abb. 2. 


Im oberen Register der linken Seite (Szene VI.) bil- 
det ein etwas stilisierter, anthropomorphisierter Djed- 
Pfeiler den Mittelpunkt. Er ist mit einem Frauenkopf 
mit Band und Sonnenscheibe bekront und halt eine 
Geissel und einen Krummstab. Der Schaft lauft unten 
in zwei sich aufrichtende geflugelte Schlangen aus. Da- 
neben stehen zwei mumiengestaltige Gotter mit Son¬ 
nenscheibe auf dem Kopf. Der menschenkopfige ist 
hochstwahrscheinlich Amset, der affenkopfige Hapi. 
Ihre Kleidung ist zum Teil rot, oben weiss und ge- 
streift. Rechts und links ist unter einem Baldachin auf 
einem Totenbett je eine Mumie dargestellt. Neben der 
Mumie der rechten Seite steht der schakalkopfige, 
schwarzgesichtige Anubis. Neben der linken Mumie ist 
ein falkenkopfiger Gott mit Krummstab abgebildet. In 
seinen beiden Handen halt er Zeugstreifen ( mnfj.t 4 ), 
hier moglicherweise Mumienbinden. Die Inschriftzei- 
len sind uberall leer geblieben, (Abb. 6). 

Im unteren Register lasst sich das fragmentarische 
Bild (Szene VII.) nicht rekonstruieren. Links stehen 
zwei Frauen in Gebetsgebarde, rechts oben ist die 
nb.t-hw.t (Nephthys) Hieroglyphe zu sehen. In der 
Mitte schwebt ein Vogel, der Kopfteil ist beschadigt. 

18 


Aufgrund der Anwesenheit von Nephthys wiirde man 
an eine osirianische Szene denken. Moglicherweise 
stand eine Totenbahre mit einer Mumie in der Mitte. 
Auch hier blieben die Inschriftenfelder unausgefullt, 
(Abb. 6). 

Die Frauenmaske ist ein qualitatsvolles Produkt der 
graeco-agyptischen Mischkunst. Die Modellierung des 
Gesichtes bringt klar die griechischen Individuali- 
sierungstendenzen zum Ausdruck, wahrend die tradi- 
tionelle agyptische Formensprache sich in den reli- 
iosen Darstellungen geltend macht. 5 

Die Datierung der griechisch-agyptischen Masken 
ildet in Einzelheiten noch ernste Schwierigkeiten. 
Zahlreiche Probleme des komplizierten Fragenkom- 
lexes wurden durch die Forschungen von G. Grimm 6 
nd K. Parlasca 7 geklart. Der traditionelle Stil der 
Mumienmasken begann sich am Anfang der Romerzeit 
zu lockem. 8 Die friiher uniformen Gesichter weisen 
zunehmend personliche Ztige auf. Dem Stil nach 
gehort die Stockholmer Maske der mittelagyptischen 
Gruppe zu und kann in das I. Jahrhundert n. Chr. 
datiert werden. 9 Das in der Mitte gescheitelte herab- 
fallende Haar 10 und die Form der Maske konnen in der 
Datierung gewissermassen als Wegweiser dienen. Der 
Einfluss der romischen Haartracht wird im Lauf der 
Zeit starker, und im II. Jahrhundert werden bedeutende 
Umwandlungen in der Formgebung bemerkbar. Haar- 
neste und Kranzflechte geben den Masken einen veran- 
derten Ausdruck. Eine weitere Neuerung ist im II. 
Jahrhundert das Erscheinen von aufgerichteten Kop- 
fen. N Wenn auch mit dem Weiterleben alterer Formen 
im II. Jahrhundert gerechnet werden muss, hat eine 
Datierung des Stiickes in das I. Jahrhundert mehr 
Wahrscheinlichkeit. 

Masken und Leichentucher bilden fur das tiefere 
Verstandnis der Jenseitsvorstellungen der Romerzeit 
eine wichtige Quelle. Auch die Dekoration des Stock¬ 
holmer Stiickes zeigt Einzelheiten, die wir kurz be- 
sprechen mochten. 

Werfen wir zuerst einen Blick auf das Bild des Son- 
nenaufgangs (Szene II.). Diese Darstellung erinnert ge¬ 
wissermassen an eine Illustration des Buches von der 
Erde. Dort ragt ein Kopf aus der Erde, der seine beiden 
Arme emporstreckt. Eine auf dem Kopf stehende Gdt- 
tin streckt ebenfalls ihre Arme empor. Zwischen ihren 
Armen schwebt die Sonnenscheibe. 12 Von ikonogra- 
phischer Seite besteht sicher eine gewisse Verwandt- 
schaft zwischen den beiden Darstellungen, doch muss 
unseres Erachtens die Losung in einem anderen Unter- 
weltsbuch gesucht werden. Es muss vorerst darauf 


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Abb. 6 


hingewiesen werden, dass der Mann auf der Maske 
hochstwahrscheinlich nicht aus der Erde hervor- 
kommt. Mit den Lotosbliiten dtirfte der Kunstler 
vielmehr das Wasser angedeutet haben. Demnach 
mochten wir die Szene als eine vereinfachte Form des 
Schlussbildes im Pfortenbuch ansehen. Der Gott Nun, 
das Urwasser, erhebt sich dort aus dem Wasser und 
hebt mit seinen Armen die Sonnenbarke empor, 13 
(Abb. 7). „Nun. Diese beiden Arme treten aus dem 
Wasser hervor, sie erheben diesen Gott" (d.h. den 
Sonnengott). 14 Da einzelne Teile des Pfortenbuches bis 
zur XXX. Dynastie auf Sargen erscheinen, 15 gibt es aus 
chronologischer Hinsicht kein Hindernis fur ein Wei- 
terleben dieses Motivs bis in die Rdmerzeit. An die 
Stelle der Sonnenbarke tritt hier die Scheibe. Die He- 
tet-Affen (hit), die den Sonnengott preisen, stammen 
nicht aus dem Pfortenbuch, sie kommen mehrfach in 
den Totenbuchhandschriften 16 und auch in anderen 
Darstellungen vor. Dieser Kombination des Urwassers 

21 


mit den Affen kommt erne besondere Bedeutung zu, 
weil die Szene (Abb. 8) in dieser Form auch in Toten- 
biichem (Tb. Kap. 16) der Ptolemaerzeit belegt ist. 17 
Die Vignetten bilden eine Brucke zwischen dem Pfor¬ 
tenbuch und der Maske. 

Die beiden Hemhem-Kronen (hmhm) zu beiden Sei- 
ten von Szene II. gehen auf altes Traditionsgut zuriick. 
Auf die Rolle, die von den Kronen im alteren Toten- 
glauben gespielt wurde, wollen wir hier nicht naher 
eingehen, 18 soviel nur sei erwahnt, dass seit den Pyra- 
midentexten 19 bis zur Romerzeit die Kronen in den 
Totentexten auftauchen und manchmal auch der 
Wunsch nach einem koniglichen Schicksal im Jenseits 
zur Sprache kommt. 20 In der griechisch-romischen Zeit 
sind sowohl die Konigs- als auch die Gotterkronen mit 
besonderer Vorliebe als Dekorationsmotive verwendet 
worden, und zwar nicht nur in Agypten selbst, sondern 
Ciberall im Romischen Reich, wo der Kult der agypti- 
schen Gotter erschien, (Terrakotten, Produkte der Me- 


Digitized by 


Google 




Abb. 7. 


tallkunst, Munzen, Metopen, Antefixe). In den meisten 
Fallen liegt dieser Kronendekoration keine tiefere reli¬ 
giose Bedeutung zugrunde. Anders miissen dagegen 
die Kronen in sepulchralem Zusammenhang, in Gra- 
bern und in der Grabausstattung beurteilt werden. In 
einem Exemplar des Zweiten Buches vom Atmen aus 
dem I—II. Jahrhundert n. Chr. 21 wird der verstorbenen 
Frau zugesagt, dass ihre Annalen in der Schrift des 
Thot unter dem heiligen Ischedbaum von Atum selbst 
verfertigt werden. Der Verstorbenen kommt also ein 
konigliches Ritual zu. Auf einem Mumienbelag aus der 
Ptolemaerzeit wird der Verstorbene mit der Atefkrone 
auf seinem Kopf abgebildet. Vor ihm steht auch ein 
Konigsring, womit angedeutet wird, dass die Atefkro¬ 
ne ihn nicht nur als Osiris-N. darstellt, sondern auch 
als Symbol seiner neuen Konigswurde gilt. 22 Auf einer 
Mumie in Leiden wird die Doppelkrone abgebildet, 23 
und zwischen den Fussen des Artemidoros ist auf sei¬ 
nem Mumienbelag eine Gotterkrone zu sehen. 24 

22 



Abb. 8. 


Auch fur die Verwendung der Hemhem-Krone in der 
sepulchralen Kunst der Kaiserzeit liegt ein wichtiger 
Beleg vor. Auf der Grabstele des Isidoros (erste Halfte 
des II. Jahrhunderts) 25 tragt der Verstorbene diese 
Krone als Kopfschmuck. Durch den Thyrsos und den 
sitzenden Panther wird er als Dionysos-Osiris angese- 
hen. Es erhebt sich die Frage nach der Funktion dieser 
Krone auf der Stele und der Stockholmer Maske. 
Wenn es sich urn das Werden zu Osiris handelte, wiir- 
de man eher die Atefkrone erwarten. Doch wurden die 
beiden Kronen zu dieser Zeit aus religioser Hinsicht 
bereits als gleichwertig angesehen. Auf dem hierati- 
schen Pap. Carlsberg VII. (wahrscheinlich aus dem I. 
Jahrhundert n. Chr.) liest man den folgenden Satz: 
,,Hemhem ist der grosse Atef des Re und des Osiris/ 426 
Die Kronen auf der Maske brachten also die Osiris-Na- 
tur der Verstorbenen zum Ausdruck, sie durften aber 
daneben auch auf ihre Konigswurde hingewiesen 
haben. 


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Der osirianische Totenglaube ist auch in Szenen III., 
IV. und VI. vorherrschend. Etwas fremdartig mutet 
Szene IV. mit der Totung der Feinde an. Obwohl der 
Sieg liber die Gegner in der Totenliteratur des ofteren 
betont wird, ist eine derartige direkte Darstellung 
dieses Themas im sepulchralen [Context ungewohnlich. 
Die Bilder der Xjdtterfeinde und der Verdammten in 
den Jenseitsfuhrern des Neuen Reiches 27 weisen nur 
eine entfemte Verwandschaft mit der Szene auf der 
Maske auf. Wir mochten vielmehr das Bild auf Tem- 
pelreliefs, d.h. auf die triumphale Symbolik in Edfu 
zuruckfiihren. Auf der inneren westlichen Seite der 
U mfassungsmauer wurden die Szenen des Horusmy- 
thos angebracht. Auf einem Bild wird ein kniender 
Gdtterfeind von Homs, Sohn der Isis und von Homs 
von Edfu erstochen. 28 Die [Composition ist ahnlich der 
eines anderen Bildes, wo ein kniender Gefangener und 
ein Nilpferd von dem Konig, bzw. von Homs von Edfu 
getotet werden. 29 

Szene VI. Der vermenschlichte Djed-Pfeiler ist ein 
oft verwendetes Element des agyptischen Motivschat- 
zes. 30 In der griechisch-romischen Zeit blieb die osiri¬ 
anische Symbolik des Pfeilers bekannt. Auf einer Mas¬ 
ke im Agyptischen Museum [Cairo wird ein Osiris-Djed 
mit Atefkrone von Isis und Nephthys angebetet. Der 
Schaft geht gleicherweise in Schlangen tiber, wie auf 
der Stockholmer Maske. 31 Auch auf dem Papyms 
Rhind I. aus der Zeit des Augustus wird ein anthropo- 
morphisierter Djed abgebildet. 32 Durch den Frauen- 
kopf des Pfeilers auf der Stockholmer Maske wollte 
man offenbar die Verstorbene mit dem Osirissymbol 
identifizieren. 

Wegen ihrer abweichenden Natur haben wir die 


1 Inv. Nr.: MM 14957. Abgebildet in: 5000 &r egyptisk konst, 
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm 1961 auf Taf. ohne Nr. Kat. Nr. 
225. Fur das Publikationsrecht und fur die Fotos mochte ich 
meinen herzlichen Dank Herm Dr. B. J. Peterson ausspre- 
chen. 

* Vgl. z.B. H. De Meulenaere, Scarabaeus sacer, 1972, Abb. 
auf S. 20. 

3 Auch die Darstellungen des Benu-Vogels diirften das Bild 
beeinflusst haben. 

4 E. Chassinat, Dendara II. 89, 102, Taf. CXIV. Reg. II und 
Abb. 6. auf S. 101, usw. 


Erortemng von Szene I. dem Schlussteil unseres Arti- 
kels vorbehalten. Der Sinnzusammenhang zwischen 
Skarabaus und Geier kann durch eine Stelle in Hora- 
pollos Hieroglyphika geklart werden. Nach Horapollo 
zeichnen die Agypter, wenn sie den Namen Hephaistos 
(Ptah) schreiben, einen Skarabaus und einen Geier. 
Wenn sie Athena (Neith) schreiben, einen Geier und 
einen Skarabaus. 33 Im Schriftsystem der Ptolemaer- 
und Romerzeit konnte ein Beiname des Ptah, Ten (T3- 
tnn) mit den Zeichen (T + n) und die Gottin Neith 
mit ^ (N + /) geschrieben werden. 34 Nach Horapol¬ 
lo wurde damit die Mannweiblichkeit der Athena zum 
Ausdmck gebracht. Auch in den agyptischen Quellen 
erscheint Neith als eine der wenigen mannweiblichen 
Gottheiten, 35 in derbildenden Kunst wird sie jedoch als 
Gottin abgebildet. Zur Romerzeit kommt ihre Schop- 
ferrolle in den Hymnen des Tempels in Esna besonders 
stark zum Ausdmck. 36 Zur osirianischen und solaren 
(Sonnenaufgang) Symbolik gesellt sich durch den kryp- 
tographischen Hinweis auf die Namen der beiden gros- 
sen Schopfergottheiten die Idee des Anfangs, wodurch 
der Verstorbenen im Jenseits eine Neugeburt ver- 
sprochen wird. 

Die [Composition der Darstellungen der Maske durf- 
te von einem Priester geplant worden sein. Sie besteht 
nicht aus gedankenlos neben einander gestellten gan- 
gigen Klischees, sondern bekundet in ihrem klaren 
Aufbau, dass der Planer in dieser Zeit des Abstiegs der 
altagyptischen Kultur in der Totenliteratur und in der 
religiosen Ikonographie noch wohlbewandert war und 
durch die Auswahl der Bilder den zentralen Ideen des 
Totenglaubens eine griindlich durchdachte Ausdmcks- 
form verleihen konnte. 


5 Die Probleme des Mischstils wurden von L. Castiglione 
behandelt. (Dualite du style dans Tart sepulcral 6gyptien k 
l’6poque romaine, Acta Antiqua Hung. 9, 1961, 209 fif.) 

8 G. Grimm, Die romischen Mumienmasken aus Agypten, 
Wiesbaden 1974. 

7 Kl. Parlasca, Mumienportrats und verwandte Denkmaler, 
Wiesbaden 1%6. 

H Grimm 45 f. 

9 Grimm 72, Anm. 110. 

10 Grimm 76 f. 

11 Grimm 78. 


23 


Digitized by v^ooole 



12 E. Hornung, Agyptische Unterweltsbucher, Zurich, Mun- 
chen 1972,436 f, Abb. 87. 

13 A. Piankoff, Le Livre des Portcs III., Le Caire 1962, 163, 
Abb. 1. 

14 Piankoff III. 180. 

15 E. Hornung, Altagyptische Hollenvorstellungen, ASAW 
59, 1968, 9, Anm. 7. 

'• Siehc z. B. K. Sethe, Altagyptische Vorstellungen vom 
Lauf der Sonne. SPAW 1928, 15 fif. 

17 Sethe 20. Th. G. Allen, The Egyptian Book of the Dead 
Documents in the Oriental Institute Museum at the University 
of Chicago (OIP81), Chicago 1960, Taf. LVIII. Pap. Milbank 
(10486 M), Ptolemaerzeit. 

18 Das Thema wird in einem Artikel (Die Kronen im spatagyp- 
tischen Totenglauben) behandelt werden. 

,9 Z. B.Pyr. 805. 

20 Siehe Tb. Kap. 80. E. A. W. Budge: The Coming forth by 
Day of the Theban Recension of the Book of the Dead II., 
London 1910, 38; Kap. 125 (Ch. Maystre, Les declarations 
d’innocence, Le Caire 1937, 95), Kap. 135 (Budge II. 184). 

21 W. Goldnischeff, Papyrus hidratiques (CG), Le Caire 1927, 
29, (CG 58007). 

22 Szdpmuvgszeti Museum, Budapest Inv. Nr. 51.2111. Abge- 
bildet in: KAkosy, Selige und Verdammte ..., ZAS 97, 1971, 
100, Abb. 3, S. Morenz, Das Problem des Werdens zu Osiris 
in der griechisch-romischen Zeit Agyptens, in: Religions en 
Egypte helldnistique et romaine, Paris 1969, bei S. 80, Fig. 1. 

23 W. D. van Wijngaarden. Een grieks-egyptische Mummie, 
OMRO 23, 1942,3. 

24 Abgebildet z.B. in: A General Introductory Guide to the 
Egyptian Collection in the British Museum, London 1975, 226 


Abb. 81 (I. E. S. Edwards -T. G. H. James - A. F. Shore). 

23 G. Grimm - D. Johannes, Kunst der Ptolemaer- und Ro- 
merzeit im Agyptischen Museum Kairo, Mainz 1975, Taf. 27. 

26 E. Iversen, Fragments of a Hieroglyphic Dictionary, in: 
Historisk-filologiske Skrifter udgivet af det Kongelige Danske 
Videnskabemes Selskab Bd. 3 Nr. 2, K0benhavn 1958, 25. 

27 Z. B. Amduat Teil VII. (Hornung, in Anm. 12. zit. Werk 
Abb. 7, oberes Register), Pfortenbuch IX. (ebd. Abb. 49), 
Hohlenbuch Abschnitt 1,6 (ebd. Abb. 76, 80). 

28 Edfou X. Taf. CXLVII. Reg. II., Edfou VI. 120 ff. 

29 Edfou X. Taf. CXLVI. Reg. I., Edfou VI. 86 f. 

30 Bonnet, RARG, 150 f. Auf Djed siehe auch Stichwort Djed- 
Pfeiler in LA I. 1100 ff. (H. Altenmuller). 

31 C. C. Edgar, Graeco-Egyptian Coffins, Masks and Portraits 
(CG), Le Caire 1905, 25. Taf. XIII. (CG 33.132). 

32 Seite 7. G. M oiler, Die beiden Totenpapyrus Rhind des 
Museums zu Edinburgh, Leipzig 1913, G. Roeder, Der Aus- 
klang der agyptischen Religion mit Reformation, Zauberei 
und Jenseitsglauben (Die agyptische Religion in Text und Bild 
IV.), Zurich, Stuttgart 1961, Abb. 29. 

33 Horapollo I. 12 (Hopfner, Fontes, 581). 'H<pai<rcov St 
Ypdqx>vre<; KdvOapov [icai yOxa] £<oypcupoOaiv, ’A8r|vftv St, 
yOita xai K&vdapov .... Die Lesung n des Geiers: S. Sauneron, 
Esna I, Le Caire 1959,51, usw. Skarabaus und Geier wurden auf 
der Maske aus ikonographischen Griinden mit ausgebreiteten 
Flugeln dargestellt. 

34 B. Van de Walle - J. Vergote, Traduction des Hieroglyphic 
ca d’Horapollon, CdE 35, 1943, 54. f. 

35 Bonnet, RARG, 515. 

30 Z. B. S. Sauneron: Les fetes religieuses d’Esna (Esna V.), 
Le Caire 1962, 110 ff, 280 ff, usw. 


24 


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Supplementary Material from Enkomi 
Tombs 3,7, 11 and 18 s.c. 

Kjell Andersson 


In the Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern 
Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) in Stockholm, there is 
still a large amount of material from the excavations 
carried out by the Swedish Cyprus Expedition in the 
period 1927-31 which has not yet been published. 1 
Most of the unpublished material consists of sherds. 
There are about 5000 boxes of sherds in the storeroom, 
but there is also some material that has been put to- 
gether from sherds. Most of these vases have also been 
restored. There are also some incomplete vases and a 
few complete ones. 

The bronzes in this supplementary material have 
also been put together from fragments and in some 
cases restored. 

The purpose of this article is to present sup¬ 
plementary material from Enkomi Tombs 3,7, 11 and 
18 s.c. that has been put together from sherds and 
restored. The Enkomi Tombs have been published by 
the late Professor Erik Sjoqvist. 2 

The material will be presented in a catalogue and in 
diagrams. 

CATALOGUE 

Tomb 3 (Plate 1-2) 

Acc 712a. Mycenaean III A 2 jug. 

Depressed, ovoid body; short, narrow, concave neck; 
flat, rounded, everted rim; oval handle from rim to 
shoulder; flat base. Buff clay, smooth, pinkish-buff 
slip, red-to-brown, glossy paint. On body, two groups 
of four and five encircling lines, at transition from neck 
to shoulder, an encircling band, at base, two encircling 
bands, rim and outer part of handle solid paint. 

H. 12.2 cm. D 11.0 cm. 


Acc 712b. Mycenaean III A 2-III B stirrup jar. 

Piriform body; short, tapering, false neck with flat disc; 
two flat handles from the disc to the shoulder; short, 
tapering spout; everted rim; base-ring. Buff clay, 
smooth slip of a lighter colour, dark-red to brown, 
glossy paint. Encircling bands and lines on body, solid 
paint on outer part of handles, encircling band round 
the base of the false neck and spout, concentric circles 
on disc, solid paint on foot. Multiple stem and tongue 
pattern on shoulder. 

H. 15.7 cm. 

Acc 712c. Mycenaean III A 2-III B stirrup jar. 

Piriform body; short, tapering, false neck with flat disc; 
two flat handles from the disc to the shoulder; short, 
tapering spout; everted rim; base-ring. Buff clay, 
smooth, buff slip, dark-red to brown, glossy paint. 
Encircling bands and lines on body, encircling band 
round the base of the false neck and spout, concentric 
circles on disc, solid paint on foot. Rock pattern and 
multiple stem on shoulder. 

H. 15.5 cm. 

Acc 712d. Mycenaean III A 2 stirrup jar. 

Depressed, globular body; short, tapering, false neck 
with flat disc; two oval handles from the disc to the 
shoulder; short, tapering spout; everted rim; base-ring. 
Pinkish-buff clay, smooth, buff slip,dark-red to brown, 
glossy paint. Encircling bands and lines on body, solid 
paint on outer part of handles, except for a small, 
reserved triangle on the upper part, encircling band 
round the base of the false neck, the rim and the base of 
the spout. Reserved circle on false neck. Solid paint on 
foot. Foliate bands on the shoulder. 

H. 15.1 cm. 


25 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 



Acc 712e. Mycenaean III A 2 stirrup jar. 

Globular body; short, tapering neck with flat disc; two 
oval handles from the disc to the shoulder; short, tap¬ 
ering spout; everted rim; base-ring. Buff clay, smooth, 
buff slip, dark-red, rather glossy paint. Encircling 
bands and lines on body. Solid paint on outer part of 
handles. Encircling band round the base of the false 
neck, the rim and the base of the spout. Reserved circle 
on disc. Flower pattern on shoulder. 

H. 15.1 cm. 

Acc 712f. Mycenaean III A 2 stirrup jar. 

Biconical, depressed body; short, tapering, false neck 
with flat disc; two oval handles from the disc to the 
shoulder; short, tapering spout; everted rim; flat base. 
Pinkish-buff clay, smooth, pinkish-buff slip, red, semi¬ 
glossy paint. Encircling bands and lines on body and 
shoulder. Solid paint on outer part of handles. Encircl¬ 
ing band round the base of the false neck, the rim and 
the base of the spout. Concentric circles on disc. 

H. 10.0 cm. 

Acc 712g. Mycenaean III A 2 flask. 

Depressed, globular body; narrow, concave neck; 
everted rim; oval, somewhat raised, vertical handles 
from mid-neck to shoulder; raised, flat base. Light-buff 
clay, smooth slip of a lighter colour, dark-brown to 
black, glossy paint. Encircling bands on body, shoul¬ 
der and neck, solid paint on outer part of handles. 
Decoration very much worn. 

H. 9.3 cm. 

Acc 712h. Mycenaean III A 2 pyxis. 

Cylindrical body; convex shoulder; short, narrow, 
concave neck; sloping rim; two small, round, horizon¬ 
tal handles on shoulder; convex base. Buff clay, 
smooth, buff slip, dark-red to dark-brown paint. The 
interior of the rim, the exterior of the neck and the 
outer parts of the handles are painted. Encircling lines 
and bands on body and shoulder. V-patterns horizon¬ 
tally placed between the handles. Concentric lines on 
base. 

H. 6.2 cm. D. 10.1 cm. 

Acc 712i. Mycenaean III A 1-2 cup. 

Shallow body; rounded, out-curved rim; flat, vertical 
handle from rim to lower part of body; base-ring. Red¬ 
dish-buff clay, smooth slip of a lighter colour, red, 
glossy paint. The main zone of the body is decorated 
with a N-pattern. Bands and lines encircle lower part of 

26 


body. Band on rim. Solid paint on outer part of handle. 
Concentric circle at bottom. Decoration and slip very 
worn. 

H. 4.0 cm. D. 10.9 cm. 

Acc. 712j. Mycenaean III A 2 cup. 

Shallow body; rounded, out-curved rim; oval, vertical 
handle from rim to lower part of body; flat, raised foot. 
Buff clay, smooth, buff slip, red, glossy paint. The 
decoration of the main zone of the outside body con¬ 
sists of a U-pattem. Encircling bands and lines on 
lower part of body. Encircling band on rim. Solid paint 
on outer part of handle. 

H. 3.5 cm. D. 12.1 cm. 

Acc 712k. Mycenaean III A 2 cup. 

Shallow body; rounded, out-curved rim; oval, vertical 
handle from rim to lower part of body; raised base-ring. 
Buff clay, smooth, buff slip, red, glossy paint. On 
lower part of body, encircling bands and lines. Encircl¬ 
ing band on rim and below it. Solid paint on outer part 
of handle. 

H. 3.5 cm. D. 12.0 cm. 

Acc 7121. Mycenaean III B(?) bowl. 

Shallow body; flat rim; horizontal, string-hole projec¬ 
tion at rim; flat base; black, matt paint. Encircling 
bands on body and round base. Probably encircling 
band below rim. Encircling band on inside of bowl. 

H. 2.9 cm. D. 10.4 cm. 

Acc 712m. Mycenaean III B-III C 1 bowl. 

Shallow body; splayed, rounded rim; flat, horizontal 
handle at rim; base-ring. Pinkish-buff clay, smooth, 
buff slip, red, glossy paint. On mid-body, encircling 
bands. Encircling band on rim. Solid paint on outer 
part of handle. Encircling band on base. On inside of 
bowl, encircling shell-pattern framed by double en¬ 
circling lines. At bottom, encircling lines. 

H. 4.8 cm. D. 17.4 cm. 

Acc 931. Bronze bowl. 

Hemispherical body, plain rim, round base. 

H. 7.0 cm. D. 17.9 cm. 

Acc 958. Monochrome bowl. 

Roughly hemispherical body; concave rim; cylindrical 
lug horizontally pierced at rim; ring-base; greyish clay. 
About one-third of bowl missing. 

H. 5.5 cm. D. 18.5 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV: 1C, p. 98, type IV.K. 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 



Acc 961. Sherd of Red Lustrous Wheel-made ware. 
Body-sherd of a pilgrim flask. Red clay. Stroke- 
burnished. 

L. 7.9 cm. 

Acc 964. Black Lustrous Wheel-made jug. 

Not seen. 

Acc 965. Black Lustrous Wheel-made jug 
Not seen. 



Pottery 

Bronze 

Hand¬ 

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Tomb 7 (Plate 3-6) 

Acc 355a. Mycenaean III A2 jug with cut-away neck. 
Piriform body; narrow, concave neck, cutaway; out- 
turned, flat rim; ribbed, oval handle from rim to shoul¬ 
der; base-ring. Buff clay, smooth, buff slip, red, glossy 
paint. Curved stripes, five in groups, alternating with 
curved bands on body, solid paint on outer side of 
handle, solid band on rim, below rim, three horizontal 
lines, on lower part of neck, three encircling lines, an 
encircling line at transition from neck to shoulder, up¬ 
per part of base encircling band, on base solid paint. 

H. 30.6 cm. D. 21.2 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 330, type 133c. 


Acc 355b. Red Lustrous Wheel-made spindle bottle. 
Slender body; narrow, tapering neck; flat, carinated 
rim; horizontal, round mouth; oval handle from upper 
part of neck to shoulder. Brick-red clay, red, lustrous 
slip. 

H. 30.6 cm. D. 6.2 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 201, type Vl.l.b. 

Acc 355c. Plain White Wheel-made I bottle. 

Oblong, bobbin-shaped body; narrow, concave neck; 
carinated rim; disc-shaped ring-base; oval handle from 
upper neck to shoulder; ridge on neck at the junction of 
the handle. 

H. 30.0 cm. D. 8.9 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV: 1C, p. 250, type l.c. 

Acc 355d. Plain White Wheel-made I? amphora. 
Conical body; marked shoulderline; angular shoulder; 
raised rim, round mouth; slightly rounded base; broad, 
vertical, oval handles below shoulderline. Yellowish- 
white clay. 

H. 48.0 cm. D. 27.0 cm. 

Acc 355e. Plain White Hand-made jug. 

Slightly rounded body; wide, slightly concave neck; 
round, horizontal mouth; rounded rim; flat base; thick, 
round handle from rim to shoulder. Brownish buff clay. 
H. 16.4 cm. 

Acc 355f. Plain White Hand-made jug. 

10 bodyfragments. Buffish clay. 

L. of largest frag. 24.0 cm. 

Acc 355g. Plain White Wheel-made II jug. 
Conical-piriform body; short, tapering neck; round 
mouth; bead rim; base-ring; flat handle from mid-neck 
to shoulder. Greyish-buff clay. One-third of body mis¬ 
sing. 

H. 20.9 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 256, type VI. E.l.c. 

Acc 355h. Plain White Wheel-made I shallow bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; plain rim; small, round, 
horizontal wish-bone handle below rim; round base. 
Buff clay. 

H. 4.8 cm. D. 13.3. cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 233, type I.A.c. 

Acc 355i. Plain White Wheel-made I shallow bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; plain rim; small, round 
loop-handle below rim; round base. Buffish clay. 


27 


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H. 4.2 cm. D. 12.9 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 232, type I.A.b. 

Acc 355k. Plain White Wheel-made I bowl. 

Roughly hemispherical body; plain rim; vertical wish¬ 
bone handle below rim; flat base. Buff clay. 

H. 4.9 cm. D. 11.8 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV: 1C, p. 234, type I.C.c. 

Acc 3551. Plain White Wheel-made I shallow bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; plain rim; vertical, wish¬ 
bone handle below rim; flat base. Buff clay. 

H. 4.5 cm. D. 12.6. cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 234. type I.C.c. 

Acc 355m. Plain White Wheel-made I shallow bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; plain rim; flat base; 
handle and part of body missing. Buff clay. 

H. 4.4 cm. D. 10.5 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 234, type I.C.c. 

Acc 355n. Plain White Wheel-made I bowl. 

Roughly hemispherical body; plain rim; flat base; 
round, horizontal, somewhat raised handle. Buff clay. 
H. 4.4. cm. D. 10.5 cm. 

Acc 355o. White Shaved jug. 

Spindle-shaped body; short, narrow neck; trefoil 
mouth: flat, somewhat raised handle from rim to shoul¬ 
der; pointed base. Buff clay. 

H. 17.5 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 222, type I.a. 

Acc 355p. White Shaved jug. 

Oval body; short, narrow neck; flattened base; upper 
part of neck with rim and part of handle missing. Buff 
clay. 

Preserved H. 11.0 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV: 1C, p. 224, type I.b. 

Acc 355q. White Shaved jug. 

Spindle-shaped body; short, narrow neck; trefoil 
mouth; pointed base; handle missing. Buff clay. 

H. 16.3 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 222, type I.a. 

Acc 355r. Black Slip IV jug. 

Ovoid body; wide, tapering neck; pinched mouth; flat¬ 
tened base; oval, somewhat raised handle from rim to 
shoulder. Part of rim missing. Greyish-buff clay. No 
slip preserved. 


H. 18.0 cm. 

See SCE, IV:1C, p. 77, type V.B.2.a. 

Acc 355s. Black Slip IV juglet. 

Ovoid body; short, slightly concave neck; round 
mouth; round base; round vertical, somewhat raised 
handle from rim to lower part of body. Buff clay, part 
of black slip visible. 

H. 4.5 cm. 

Acc 355t. White Painted Wheel-made III jug. 

Oval body; narrow, concave neck; flattened base; 
tubular side-spout on shoulder; upper part of neck, rim 
and handle missing. Greenish-buff clay, buff, matt slip, 
reddish-brown paint. Encircling line round lower part 
of neck, vertical lines on body. 

Preserved H. 9.7 cm. 

See SCE, IV: 1C, p. 286, type X.a. 

Acc 355u. Base-Ring Wheel-made bowl. 

Y-shaped body; concave neck; ring-base; high, raised, 
wish-bone handle. Red clay, light-brown to brown, 
faintly lustrous slip. Part of body missing. 

H. 4.3 cm. D. 9.5 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 198. type I.c. 

Acc 355v. White Slip II bowl. 

Hemispherical body; flat rim; round base; slightly 
raised, triangular, wish-bone handle. Greyish clay, buff 
slip, dark-brown paint. Encircling, four-line, ladder 
pattern below rim; on body, vertical, four-line, ladder 
pattern alternating with vertical row of dots and two- 
line, ladder pattern; on handle, four groups of four 
vertical strokes, painted round handle attachment and 
on sides of handle. 

H. 9.8 cm. D. 19.0 cm. 

Acc 355x. Red Lustrous Wheel-made wide bowl. 
Sherds. Not seen. 

Bibl: SCE, IV:1C, p. 199, type I.a. 

Acc 355y. Red Lustrous Wheel-made bowl. 

Consisting of sherds and fragment. Globular body; flat¬ 
tened rim; round, vertical handle below rim. Brick-red 
clay, brick-red slip. 

Preserved H. 16.0 cm, (not pictured). 

Acc 681. White Shaved jug. 

Spindle-shaped body; short, narrow neck; pinched 
mouth; pointed base; flat handle from rim to shoulder. 


28 


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Buff clay. 

H. 18.4 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 222, type I.a. 

Acc 682. Plain White Wheel-made I shallow bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; rounded shoulder; 
everted rim; flat base; vertical, string-hole projection at 
rim. Buffish clay. 

H. 3.2 cm. D. 13.2 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 236, type I.K.b. 

Acc 713a. White Slip I bowl. 

Hemispherical body; rounded rim; round base; up- 
tilted, wish-bone handle. Brownish-red clay, greyish- 
white slip, brown paint. Encircling, wavy line on rim, 
below rim, a horizontal frieze consisting of hatched 
lozenges framed by a pair of parallel, horizontal lines, 
no frieze in front and above the handle, on the sides of 
the bowl, five pendent groups of two vertical lines, in 
front, two parallel, vertical, wavy lines bordered by 
row of dots and framed by two groups of two parallel, 
vertical lines. Below handle, three groups of two paral¬ 
lel, vertical lines, painted round handle attachment, on 
handle, four parallel lines. 

H. 9.0 cm. D. 19.0 cm. 


Acc 713b. Plain White Wheel-made I wide bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; carinated shoulder; 
everted rim; ring-base; horizontal, string-hole projec¬ 
tion at rim. One-third of bowl missing. Buffish clay. 

H. 4.1 cm. D. 18.3 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 240, type IV.K.d. 

Acc 713c. Plain White Wheel-made I wide bowl. 
Roughly hemispherical body; rounded, slightly in¬ 
verted rim; raised ring-base. Reddish clay. More than 
half of bowl missing. 

H. 6.5 cm. D. 19.8 cm. 

Acc 713d. Plain White Wheel-made I bowl. 

Roughly hemispherical body; flat rim; flat base; verti¬ 
cal, string-hole projection at rim. Buffish clay. About 
one-quarter of bowl missing. 

H. 4.4 cm. D. 12.1 cm. 

Acc 713e. Plain White Wheel-made I bowl. 

Roughly hemispherical body; carinated shoulder; 
everted rim; flat base. Buffish clay. One-quarter of 
bowl missing. 

H. 3.2 cm. D. 9.1 cm. 


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Acc 713f. Mycenaean III B stirrup jar. 

Depressed, globular body; short, tapering, false neck 
with flat disc; two oval handles from the disc to the 
shoulder; short, tapering spout; everted rim; flat base. 
Buffish clay. No traces of slip and decoration. About 
half of jar missing. 

H. 11.5 cm. 

Acc 713g. Mycenaean III A2 crater. 

Ovoid body; everted, inward-sloping rim; raised, flat 
base; vertical, round handles on shoulder. Buffish-grey 
clay, no slip visible, dark-brown to black paint. Solid 
paint on rim, three encircling, broad bands on body 
below handles, a broad, encircling band at transition to 
base. 

H. 23.1 cm. D. 26.3 cm. 

Acc 960. Red Lustrous Wheel-made bottle. Fragments. 
Not seen. 

Tomb 11 (Plate 7-8) 


Acc 955. Base-Ring I crater. Fragmentary. 
Semiglobular body; carinated shoulder; high tapering 
neck; everted rim; lower part of body and base mis¬ 
sing. Reddish-brown clay, reddish-brown slip. Relief 
ornament: on neck: Astrom motif 93 (see SCE, IV: 1C, 
p. 171), encircling rope pattern on shoulder, on body, 
encircling, wavy line in relief. About two-thirds of cra¬ 
ter missing. 

Preserved H. 18.0 cm. D. c. 26.0 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 142, type Il.a. 

Acc 959. Monochrome bowl. 

Somewhat wide, hemispherical body; carinated shoul¬ 
der; concave rim; ring-base; horizontally pireced lug at 
rim. Brown clay, brown slip. About half of bowl mis¬ 
sing. 

H. 5.9 cm. D. 14.5 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 96. type I.L.b. 



Pottery 

Bronze 

Hand-made 

Wheel-made 



Acc 708. ‘Rude Style’ crater. 

Bell-shaped; flat, out-turned rim; two opposed, hori¬ 
zontal, loop handles on shoulder; ring-base. Greyish 
clay, smooth, buff slip, red, glossy paint. On shoulder 
zone, side A: leaf-tree pattern, between circles with 
dotted filling. On shoulder zone, side B: stylised, spiral 
motifs and concentric circles. Solid paint on rim and 
outer part of handles. Below rim, a broad, encircling 
band. Solid paint on base. Below handles, three broad, 
encircling bands. Under base, a potmark X. 

H. 18.2 cm. D. 22.0 cm. 

Acc 932. Bronze bowl. 

Hemispherical body; rounded rim; rounded base; now 
in fragments. 

Acc 953. White Painted Wheel-made II crater. 

Almost globular body; tapering neck; everted rim; two 
oval, opposite, vertical handles from neck to shoulder; 
ring-base. Reddish clay, no slip visible, decoration 
very much worn. 

H. 21.0 cm. D. 20.8 cm. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 274, type I.A. 

Acc 954. Coarse jug. 

Not seen. 

Bibl.: SCE, IV:1C, p. 268, type Vl.C.l.b. 



Tomb 18 S.C. (Plate 9) 

§ 

Acc 933. Bronze bowl. j 

Hemispherical body; flat rim; round base. Put together 
from several fragments, heavily corroded. 

H. 8.2 cm. D. 22.7 cm. 

Acc 934. Bronze vessel (fragmentary). 

Lower part of cylindrical, bronze vessel; concave 
body; flat base; everted rim. Put together from several 
fragments, heavily corroded. 

Preserved H. 13.0 cm. D. of base 16.7 cm. 

Acc 935. Bronze handle. 

Semicircular bronze handle. One side flat and one side 
rounded. The flat side decorated with spiral motifs. 
The handle in two pieces. Was horizontally fixed on a 
vessel. 

Th. 0.6 cm. 


30 


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The material from Tomb 3 presented here surely comes 
from one of the disturbed layers (layer 3 or 4). 1 * 3 Most of 
the material from Tomb 3 in this article belongs to the 
Mycenaean III A2 phase and falls well within the date 
(Late Cypriote II) proposed by Sjoqvist. 4 

The supplementary material from Tomb 7 belongs to 
Tombs 7B and 7. The material from these tombs was 
mixed in disturbed layers from the dromos and the 
chamber. 5 6 The dates for these two tombs are Late 
Cypriote I A-Late Cypriote III A. 8 It is not possible to 
distinguish the finds and to attribute them to either 
Tomb 7B or Tomb 7. 

The materials from Tombs 11 and 18 s.c. fall well 
within the dates proposed by Sjoqvist (Late Cypriote 
II). 7 


1 For earlier supplementary work on material excavated by 
the Swedish Cyprus Expedition, see Opuscula Atheniensia II, 
10 ff., III pp. 123 ff. and 135 ff. and IV, 207 ff. 

* SCE, Vol. I, pp. 467 ff. 

3 SCE, Vol. I,p. 477. 

4 SCE, Vol. I, p. 485. 

5 SCE, Vol. I, pp. 498-499. 

6 SCE, Vol. I, p. 500. 

7 SCE, Vol. I, p. 525 f. and 557 f. 


31 


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Enkomi, Tomb 3. Acc. 712 g, d, m, j, i, k, h 


3-Bulletin 15 


Enkomi, Tomb 3. Acc. 712 e, b, d, c. 





Enkomi, Tomb 3. Acc. 958, 961, 931. 








Enkomi, Tomb 7. Acc. 355 i, 1 (top), k, m, n (below) 


Plate 3 

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Enkomi, Tomb 11. Acc. 953, 959. 


Enkomi, Tomb 11. Acc. 955 


Enkomi, Tomb 11. Acc. 932 






The Limestone Sculpture from Kition 


Pamela Gaber-Saletan 


One of the regions of Cyprus whose sculpture is best 
represented in the collections of the Medelhavsmuseet 
in Stockholm, is Kition. This is, however, a smaller 
body of material than groups of limestone figures from 
other areas such as Vouni and Mersinaki. 1 It must be 
noted at the outset that the works in question were 
unearthed in the course of the Swedish Cyprus Expedi¬ 
tion's excavations at the acropolis of ancient Kition in 
1929 and 1930. (One of the pieces discussed here has 
remained in Cyprus, although unearthed along with 
those kept in Stockholm.) Accordingly, these figures 
come from a tightly delineated area of Kition, a 
temenos ascribed by the excavators to Herakles/ 
Melkarth. 2 In addition, the sculptures are restricted in 
date, the earliest originating in the Second Proto- 
Cypriote period of sculpture ( ca . 560-540 B.C.) and the 
latest having been carved during the Sub-Archaic ph¬ 
ase (ca. 500-450 B.C.). 3 By far the most numerous 
examples originate in the first half of the fifth century 
B.C., with many pieces being dated later in that period. 
For all of these reasons, the limestone figures from the 
Swedish excavations at Kition form a remarkably 
homogeneous group. This body of material tells us a 
great deal about the style of at least one sculptor or 
school of sculptors working in that city from the sec¬ 
ond half of the sixth through the first half of the fifth 
centuries B.C. 

From the earliest examples, certain facial 
characteristics are common to almost all of these 
sculptures from Kition. 4 The head of a figure whose 
fragments are numbered K139, 256, and 449 from late 
in the Neo-Cypriote period is a fine example of this 
“Kition type” (figs. 1 and 2). 5 Since this is a bearded 
figure, it is impossible to examine the chin and jaw, 
which are characteristic of Kition heads and will be 
discussed in later examples. The smoothness of the 


modeling in K139 which leads forward from the sides 
of the face around the cheeks is a typical trait of Kition 
sculptures. The cheekbones are of great interest. While 
they are placed quite high on this head, as they might 
be on works from the west or central regions of 
Cyprus, there are two aspects of the treatment of these 
cheeks which help to distinguish the Kition style from 
others. Unlike the central island style of carving which 
tends to display sharp, or even ledge-like cheekbones, 
the modeling of the face in K139 is smooth and con¬ 
tinuous from eyes to beard as well as from sideburns to 
nose. 8 In addition, the most prominent point in Kition 
cheeks falls extremely close to the nose, below the 
bridge, so that the transition beside the nostrils forms a 
decidedly convex ‘weir. The pronounced shadows 
created in this depression emphasize the cheekbones 
from below, rather than from above, as is the case 
elsewhere. 

The nose itself in this head is almost a signature of 
Kition sculptors. The straight, narrow, bony portion 
with its smooth transition from the brow might be seen 
on works from other sites, although the Kition version 
tends to be more slender, particulary at the bridge. It is 
really the flaring nostrils which betray this figure's 
town of origin. Not only do they flare outward and 
upward against the cheeks, but each nostril is carved 
individually to give the upper edge a sharply curved 
outline where it meets the descending cheek. 

The forehead slopes gently back to a rather broad, 
square cranium, a feature which is evident in many 
heads from Kition, The eyebrows here are carved 
slightly in relief, though this is a rarity among the heads 
in the Stockholm collections. A great deal of attention 
has been paid to elaboration of detail in the somewhat 
stylized ear, although this is a feature of extreme varia¬ 
bility. The hint of a ‘smile' evident here is characteris- 

41 


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Figure 2. K139 & 256 & 449. 


tic of the period rather than the region, and will be seen 
to relax further in the two subsequent generations. The 
gently rounded lips, however, are found on most heads 
from Kition, whatever their expression or date. 

In this connection it should be noted that while this 
figure is bearded and has long hair, the question of 
beard and costume affects neither the chronological 
sequence of carving styles nor the discernment of re¬ 
gional schools of sculpture, with few exceptions. 7 That 
is, at any given site in any given period, the ethnic 
diversity of the Cypriote population manifests itself in 
the island's sanctuaries. 8 There can be little doubt that 
the stone carvers who worked in the thriving cities of 
pre-Classical Cyprus were equally at home producing 
votives for customers whose religious beliefs followed 
Oriental patterns, as they were for those who named 
their gods in Greek. It is certainly true that conical caps 
were deposited next to vegetal wreaths in the great 
sanctuaries of the patron deities of cities like Idalion 
and Kition. 9 

Most of the votives in the collection in Stockholm 
are smaller than 1/2 life-size. This fact presents some 
difficulties and raises some questions. First, it is neces¬ 


sary to ask whether this size was characteristic of the 
limestone figures in this temenos. It is difficult to avoid 
the tempting analogy with other sanctuaries on the 
island, 10 and the suggestion that there were larger fig¬ 
ures which were fewer in number, but that only the 
lighter statues were carried to their burial ground. 11 It 
is possible to state that there was at least one case of a 
statue of about life-size, although only its base and feet 
were found. 12 There might well have been others, since 
the pit in which the Stockholm figures were found was 
clearly a place of secondary deposit. The excavators 
felt that the temenos itself was destroyed at the time of 
the conquest by Ptolemy I. 13 It may have been this 
event which occasioned the destruction of some figures 
and the burial of others. However, this date opens the 
question of why there seem to be no ex votos of Classi¬ 
cal date. 

The dating would be less troublesome if it could be 
found that this was a bothros deposit. Not only is it 
unusual to find large figures in bothroi, but other ques¬ 
tions are answered by this hypothesis. An analogy may 
be drawn with the shrines to the deities associated with 
metalworking, which have been excavated during the 
past twenty years by the Department of Antiquities of 
Cyprus under the direction of Dr. Vassos Karageor- 
ghis. During their long history these shrines were re¬ 
peatedly cleared of their accumulated offerings which 
were then reverently laid to rest in bothroi. 14 It seems 
plausible that the sanctuary of the city’s patron deity 
also had a long history. (Certainly Herakles-Melkarth 
continued to appear on Kition’s coinage through the 
reign of Pumiathon in the fourth century B.C.) In such 
a case it would be necessary periodically to clear out 
the offerings to make way for new ones or for renova¬ 
tions to the shrine. In view of the proximity of the 
Acropolis to the harbor at Kition, it is conceivable that 
a renovation to the temple was necessary after the 
siege of Kimon in 450 B.C., or in celebration of the 
Peace of Kallias (449 B.C.). A bothros deposit some¬ 
time in the middle of the fifth century B.C. would 
explain the chronological homogeneity of these sculp¬ 
tures, as well as their relative uniformity of size. 

Whatever the reasons, there are almost exclusively 
smaller figures from Kition in the Stockholm collec¬ 
tion. The main difficulty encountered as a result of this 
phenomenon is the fact that a large percentage of these 
figures is of poorer quality than figures of over 1/2 
life-size. 15 This is by no means true of all smaller fig¬ 
ures, however, and those of higher quality are useful in 
a continued examination of the Kition style. 


43 


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Figure 3. K236. Ht. 56.0 cm. 


Figure 4. K236. 


One of the most frequent types of votive in the 
Kition group is a Herakles figure with its right arm 
upraised. Most often these statues are presented fron¬ 
tally with the left leg advanced, wearing an Egyptianiz- 
ing kilt. 16 Occasionally, however, there appears a twist 
in the torso of one of these figures. 17 Votive K236 is an 
example of the frontal, kilted Herakles. (figs. 3 and 4). 
It is most likely to date from the Cypro-Archaic period 
(ca. 520-480 B.C.). Being somewhat smaller than 1/2 
life-size, it is not of the highest quality. Nonetheless, it 
exhibits several features which are typical of beardless 
heads from Kition. First, and most striking, are the 
chin and lower jaw. It is characteristic of chins at 
Kition to be broad and rounded at the lower edge. This 
example is, in fact, somewhat less rounded at its outer 
edge than most. 18 Still, the breadth of the lower jaw is 
accentuated by the wide chin line in characteristic 
fashion. The second trait of beardless heads which this 
example displays follows directly from the first. The 
expected smooth transition from the ears across to the 


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Figure 5. K19 & 145 & 378 Ht. 65.8 cm 


nose is echoed here by an equal smoothness from the 
jaw line to the eyes. These facial transitions combine 
with the broad cranium visible beneath the stylized 
lionskin headdress to produce the effect of a squarish 
or oblong head with all its corners rounded. 

There are many features of this head which have 
already been noted as typical of the Kition style of 
sculpture. The broad forehead slopes gently down to a 
straight, strong nose. The nostrils flare widely, and are 
sharply defined against the shadowy depression beside 
and below the rounded cheeks. It is a common device 
in smaller figures from all over Cyprus for the carver to 
leave the eyes as flat planes on which the pupils and 
lids would later be painted. 19 No doubt the treatment of 
the flat ears was similar. The curls of hair across the 
brow are indicated by a series of cursory incisions. The 
lips are only slightly rounded, but they are 
characteristically thin. The hint of a ‘smile’ is again a 
chronological feature. 


From the succeeding Sub-Archaic period ( ca . 480- Figure 6. K19& 145 &378. 


45 


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Figure 8. K417. 


450 B.C.) comes K417 of a size similar to the Herakles 
figure just discussed (figs. 7 and 8). This myrtle- 
wreathed figure in schematized Greek dress carries a 
stylized animal offering; perhaps a lamb or kid, or a 
buck as the excavators suggest. The ears, hair, and 
eyes betray those shorthand tricks of carving smaller 
figures which were noted in the last example. The other 
features of the face are clearly recognizable as typical 
of Kition, including the now-familiar rounded cheeks 
accented from below, next to the flaring nostrils. The 
broadly rounded jaw behind the chin in this Sub- 
Archaic statuette is gratifyingly clear, and may be the 
feature which is most typical of late sixth and early fifth 
century B.C. figure carving at Kition. The thin-lipped 
mouth has lost all trace of a smile. 

There are some useful implications to the isolation of 
the carving style of a city’s sculptors. In the first place, 
it becomes possible to assign heads of previously un¬ 
known provenance to their probable places of origin. 
Such a head is shown in fig. 9. 10 The overall shape of 
the head is the characteristic oblong shape, somewhat 
broader at the crown than we have come to expect in 
works from Kition. A beardless head, its lower fea¬ 
tures resemble most closely those of K417 (fig. 8). 


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Figure 7. K417. Ht. 58.0 cm. 
46 




Figure 9. Unnumbered. Ht. 19.0 cm. 


Particulary striking in this regard is the very round jaw 
behind the chin. Though the nose is damaged, the flare 
of the nostrils, and the emphatic manner in which they 
are delineated against the cheeks can leave little doubt 
that this head was carved in Kition. The suggestion of a 
smile on the thin-lipped mouth, coupled with a rope¬ 
like rendering of the curls across the brow indicate that 
this head dates from early in the Second Proto- 
Cypriote style ( ca . 560-540 B.C.). 21 

Another head of hitherto unknown provenance came 
to the British Museum along with the Sandwith collec¬ 
tion. 22 In addition to exhibiting features of jaw, nose 
and cheeks familiar from the previous discussions, this 
head wears a conical cap of striking form. It does not 
rise as a hemisphere crowned by a small knob above 
the hair as do such caps from other sites. 23 The cap on 
this figure bulges out above the ears and then tapers 
inward and upward to a tall point. In addition, the 
schematically rendered hair is presented in a pie crust 
series of rises and hollows along the brow and down 
beside the neck. As rare as these features are at other 
sites, they are extremely common at Kition. Two very 
closely related examples are K463 (whose eye paint 
still survived in 1937) and K492, a head of higher qual¬ 


ity (figs. 10 and 11). There are numerous such exam¬ 
ples. Clearly, then, the Sandwith head came from Ki¬ 
tion. An expansion of such studies will eventually ena¬ 
ble us to develop a picture of the distances people 
traveled in order to attend religious festivals. If, for 
example, votives at a given sanctuary are found to 
have originated at various cities on Cyprus, while those 
at another site were made only locally, a contrast be¬ 
tween the shrines may be drawn. The first may be said 
to draw worshippers from all over the island (in such a 
case the specific towns where figures were carved 
would be of compelling interest). The second hypo¬ 
thetical sanctuary might be said to have been dedicated 
to a deity in strictly local favor. However, since these 
studies have only now begun, such comparative in¬ 
vestigations must be left to the future. 

There is another potential ramification for studies of 
regional styles of Cypriote sculpture. Another figure 
clearly belonging to the group of small votives in con¬ 
ical caps from Kition (figs. 10 and 11) was found at 
Marathus in Syria. Although it has been identified as 


Figure 10. K463. Ht. 9 cm. 



47 


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Figure 11. K492. Ht. 14.3 cm.. Head ht. 6.7 cm. 


“Graeco-Arab”, it is clearly Cypriote. It was found at 
Amrit in the vicinity of the temple, Maabed. 24 There 
can be no surprise at finding Cypriote sculpture in the 
Levant. In 1948 E. Gjerstad devoted an entire chapter 
to foreign relations, several subheadings of which were 
devoted to sculpture. 25 In Palestine and Syria he 
treated numerous sites, including Marathus (Amrit). 
The important difference in the case of this head is our 
new ability to state with some certainty not only that 
the work comes from Cyprus, but that it comes from 
Kition. In view of Kition’s essentially Phoenician na¬ 
ture during the period in question, this information acts 
rather to confirm prior knowledge than to enlighten. 2 * 
However, to be able to single out a particular city-state 
as the point of origin for limestone figures will add a 
dimension to our understanding of Cypriote interrela¬ 
tions in the ancient world. 

Thus it becomes apparent that while the collection of 
pre-Classical limestone figures excavated at Kition by 
the Swedish Cyprus Expedition is small, it is very 
valuable. In part because of its homogeneity, a clear 
chronology can be discerned. The features of its 
carvers' style can be isolated and recognized through 
succeeding periods. When this information is placed in 
conjunction with excavated sculptures from other 
sites, both on and off the island of Cyprus, important 
historical questions will be asked. It is certain that 
some new answers will be proposed on the basis of 
these data. 


48 


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I Sculptures from the Vouni/Mersinaki region will be ex¬ 
amined by the author in this journal at a later date. 

* E. Gjerstad, et. al. The Swedish Cyprus Expedition 
(henceforth SCE) III, 1937, p. 4, Plan II, pp. 74, 75. 

3 For a discussion of the chronology of Archaic sculpture on 
Cyprus see “Regional Styles in Cypriote Limestone Sculp¬ 
ture** by this author in L. Stager et. al. Idalion II (in press). 

4 For a clear statement of the relative importance of head to 
body in Cypriote sculpture, see C. Vermeule, “Cypriote 
Sculpture’’, American Journal of Archaeology 78, no. 3, p. 
288. Cf. SCE III pp. 54 , 55; SCE IV pt. 2 pp. 96-124, 207-11. 

5 SCE III PI. XV 1,2. This piece is in Nicosia. 

• See eg. F. N. Pryce, Catalogue of Sculpture in the British 
Museum, Vol. I pt. II, 1931, fig94 # 052 from Pyla. Also this 
author’s dissertation. Regional Styles in Cypriote Sculpture , 
(Harvard University, 1980, in preparation for publication) has 
a treatment of the styles of many regions of Cyprus. 

7 In the broad overview it is possible to see that there are 
more conical caps on votive figures from Kition whose close 
ties were with the Levant, than at western sites like Vouni 
where Greek ties—and coiffures—predominate. 

8 Cf. C. Vermeule, op. cit. p. 287. 

9 See eg. SCE III figs. 23-29; R. H. Lang, “Narrative of 
excavations in a Temple at Dali (Idalium) in Cyprus’’, Trans¬ 
actions of the Royal Society of Literature series 2 vol. xi, 
1878, Pis. I-IV; M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros the Bible and 
Homer, 1893, PI. LVI (primarily female votaries). 

10 See eg. L. P. de Cesnola, Cyprus , 1878 p. 146 (Golgoi); M. 
Ohnefalsch-Richter, loc. cit (Idalion). Several large figures 
were found among a preponderance of small figures at these 
sites. 

II Fragments of larger statues may have been used as ballast, 
or whole figures may have been transported as booty—or 
votives—from one place to another. British Museum head 
C74 (Pryce, op. cit. p. 37) was found at Byblos and is almost 
certainly from Kition. (See also A. W. Lawrence, “The Primi¬ 
tive Sculpture of Cyprus”, Journal of Hellenic Studies , vol. 
XLVI pt. 2, 1926 p. 165 n. 15). 

11 SCE III p. 4 fig 4, Plan II, p. 51 #560. The excavators 
suggest that this was the cult statue. 

13 Ibid. p. 75. 

14 See V. Karageorghis, Kition. 1974, pp. 97, 101, 110, 113, 
140-141. It is of some interest that limestone votives hardly 
appear at all in these temene. Clearly the deities who were 
worshipped here were honored by other types of offerings (cf. 
Kition , pp. Ill, 113). SCE III, Section II indicates a pair of 
deep, discontinuous pits (labeled Layer 8) cut into Layers 9, 
10, and 11 in grid squares J5 and J6. These seem to be the pits 
(in the photo fig. 19, p. 22) where the limestone figures were 
found. If these could be reinterpreted as predating the large. 


Hellenistic destruction pit, they might be understood as 
earlier bothroi. Unfortunately, the pottery from these levels in 
these squares is not separately reported (SCE III pp. 69, 70). 
Without this information any suggested change in interpreta¬ 
tion can only be speculative. There is, however, a basic flaw 
in the excavators’ argument (SCE III p. 64) that since K576, a 
limestone head, was found in a stratum of Period 8, while 
K52, the torso to which it belongs, was found in the deposit 
pit, this “proves that the sculptures buried in the pit were 
deposited in the temenos of Period 8”. It is always possible, 
and even common, to find earlier artifacts deposited in later 
layers. The find spots of K576 and K52, therefore, prove 
nothing. 

15 For a discussion of the relationship between size and qual¬ 
ity in Cypriote sculpture see Gaber-Saletan, op. cit., Idalion 
II. 

18 See SCE III pis. XXIII, XXXIV. 

"Ibid. PI. CVI, no. 141 etc; Pis. XXII, XXIII. Nos. K19 & 
145 & 378 is unusual in several ways. Except for its stylized 
lion’s skin it is entirely nude. Also, the torso is presented at 
right angles to the frontal head and feet. (The upraised right 
arm is twisted even further from the frontal.) (Figs. 5 & 6). 

18 K19 etc. (referred to above, n. 17) shows an excellent 
example of a round Kition chin. (Fig. 6). 

19 See eg. Pryce, op. cit. p. 54, figs. 79,80. 

30 SCE III PI. CCVIII. 

3, Pryce, op. cit. p. 38, fig. 48, # C78. 

13 Ibid. p. 48, fig. 66, #C102 Ht. 9 cm. In 1930, paint re- 
mainded “on lips, eyes and hair”. The Sandwith figures are 
reported to come from somewhere “halfway between 
Lamaca and Dali”. (Pryce, p. 2) 

"Ibid. pp. 34-5, figs. 41-43. C62 and C63 also from the Sand¬ 
with group; C66 and C67 from Idalion, and C68 from Tamas- 
sos. 

34 H. Klengel, Syria Antiqua , 1971, pp. 53, 60-61. SCE IV pt. 
2, 313 n. 1, p. 325-6. See also Acad. Inscr. et. Belles-Lettres, 
Comptes Rend us, 1926 pp. 57 f., M. Dunand, “Les sculptures 
de la favissa du temple d’Amrit”, Bulletin du Musie de 
Beyrouth vol. VII, 1944-45, pp. 99-107, and M. Dunand and 
N. Saliby, “Le sanctuaire d’Amrit”, Annales Archeologiques 
de Syrie vol. 11-12, 1961—2, pp. 3-12. The head in question is 
not illustrated in these publications, with the exception of 
Klengel’s. However, E. Renan, Mission de Phenicie , 1873, 
pp. 850 f. records a separate find of sculpture in the same 
vicinity for which illustrations were not available to this au¬ 
thor. It may be that the head displayed in Syria Antiqua was 
from this earlier discovery. 

35 SCE IV pt. 2, pp. 318-365. 

28 SCE IV pt. 2, pp. 1 ff; V. Karageorghis, Kition, chs, V, VII. 


4-Bulletin 15 


49 


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A Late Geometric Amphora by the 
Stockholm Painter 


Berit Wells 


no/./.oi ptv apyoi dpd/Ocov aptpi aidrjpqj 
(j<pa£6pevoi, no/./.oi S' oi£~ tcai prjKaSe^ afye^‘ 
(Iliad 23,30-31) 


Oxen, sheep and goats remain the prime sacrificial 
animals throughout Greek antiquity just as they were 
when Achilleus held funeral games beside his friend 
Patroklos’ bier outside Troy (Iliad 23,30-31). Likewise 
we may infer from the many representations of bulls in 
Mycenaean tombs that these animals played an im¬ 
portant role in burial rites during the Late Bronze Age. 
The question then arises: did the practice of sacrificing 
oxen continue during the succeeding periods as is the 
consensus that many facets of the Mycenaean culture 
did? The answer is positive for the Geometric period 
but so far there is no evidence for the intervening 
centuries. 

It is fairly well established that the songs of the Iliad 
were written down in the decades close to 700 B.C. 
From the latter part of the 8th century there is also 
ample evidence of renewed contact with the heroic 
past. 1 Hero-cults spring up in or close to Mycenaean 
tombs, 2 and a study of the beginning of the Geometric 
pictorial style demonstrates to which extent the 
Geometric potter was dependant upon native tradi¬ 
tion. 3 

As meat seems to have been scarce in the Dark 
Ages, 4 there is all the more reason for assuming that 
animals, and particularly the most valuable species, 
cattle, were slaughtered only at special occasions such 
as funerals most likely were. On several sites cattle 
bones—together with bones of mainly horses and 
sheep—were found in the grave fill, 5 finds which allow 
us to postulate that these animals were sacrificed dur¬ 
ing the funerary rites. If we accept this as a possible, 
but not necessarily universal custom, we should not be 
surprised when, at the end of the 8th century, bulls 
suddenly appear on Attic Late Geometric vases. The 
instances are few but indisputable. 8 

50 


The amphora MM 1976:11 

On the Late Geometric amphora MM 1976:11 in the 
Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiq¬ 
uities in Stockholm there is a frieze of despondent 
looking bulls on the lower half of the body. The 
amphora, acquired through a private fund for The 
Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and 
Antiquities (Vitterhetsakademien) is now deposited at 
the museum. The vase was earlier in the possession of 
the Louisiana Museum of Modern Art at Humlebaek, 
south of Elsinore, Denmark, which museum bought it 
in 1948 on the London antique market. Knud W. 
Jensen, Director of the Louisiana Museum seems to 
recall that the dealer had acquired the amphora from a 
private British collection. 7 

MM 1976:11 is a neck-handled amphora, 0.73 m high 
and with a diameter of the rim ofc. 0.25 m (figs. 1-2). It 
has been restored from many fragments, several still 
missing, though, especially on side two of the vase. 
The fabric is pale brown, micaceous and has calcium 
inclusions and a few brown grit. Evidently the firing 
process was not well controlled, the paint turning from 
brownish red to dark brown and brownish black. Also 
the paint is sometimes streaky and has worn off exten¬ 
sively on side two. The fairly short neck is concave and 
slightly flaring at the mouth, and the ovoid body has a 
fullness at the greatest diameter. The ring foot is low 
and almost straight. Plastic snakes dotted with white 
and with imprecisely modelled heads curl on rim, 
handles, and shoulder. Further white, in possibly two 
parallel strokes, seems to have been added on the head 
of the snake at the mouth of the vase. To the left of one 
handle a double-axe, outlined in white, is clearly 
visible. 


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Fig. 3 Detail of warrior panel on neck, side two. 


Warriors wearing crested and plumed helmets march 
in panels on the neck, four on side one and three on 
side two. They carry round framed shields covering the 
trunks of their bodies and two spears each, spears 
whose projections are not aligned with each other. On 
side two there is a fourth figure in plumed helmet, but 
he carries neither shield nor spears—only a sword at 
his waist (fig. 3). On the widest part of the belly, fully 
equipped warriors—with shields reaching half-way 
down their thighs—alternate with one-wheel chariots 
drawn by a single horse and driven by an unarmed 
man. In a zone on the lower part of the body bulls 
march around the vase. 

Zones with Geometric design frame the Figured 
friezes. Above the warriors on the neck is a simple 
maeander and below them a three-tiered dotted lozenge. 
The snake on the shoulder curls between opposing 
interlocking framed cross-hatched triangles. Then fol¬ 
low zones with lozenge-chains and checkerboard on 


the body and, close to the foot, a zone of vertical 
strokes. The filling ornaments are, on the whole, very 
uniform and fairly evenly distributed in the figured 
friezes: vertical and horizontal zigzags, stacked M's 
and double M's, horizontal reserved hour-glasses or 
double-axes, crosses and hanging double and multiple 
triangles. An occasional long-legged and long-necked 
bird, probably a heron, occurs, but in most cases it is 
reduced to a Z- or 2-like motif; it appears behind every 
horse and regularly between the bulls’ legs—except 
once when it is replaced by an M. Below each horse is 
a cross-hatched lozenge. 

Attribution and dating of MM 1976:11 

The Stockholm amphora belongs within the Workshop 
of Athens 894 as defined by Coldstream, and it is 
equally clear that it is by the same painter as his nos. 
1-3. 8 The disposition of the decoration over the body of 
the vase and the rendering of the figures in the chariot 
scene confirms the attribution. Unfortunately the com- 
panionpiece of our amphora, Athens 17935, has, to my 
knowledge, so far only been partly illustrated by Cold¬ 
stream, but a closer look at some of the details on the 
two vases removes any doubt as to the attribution. 

The charioteer on MM 1976:11 is truly chubbier than 
his colleague on Athens 17935 whose body—like the 
body of the warrior walking behind the chariot—is 
more angular and attenuated. However, they have the 
same type of head without a nose but with boldly 
jutting chin. On both vases the charioteer's hand hold¬ 
ing the whip curves upwards and his buttocks protrude 
diagonally to form a sharp angle with his slightly curv¬ 
ing thighs. The chariots are of the same make, although 
the Stockholm ones are of a sturdier type. 

The horses display even greater affinities. They 
could in fact be identical twins. Ours maybe a bit 
plumper but the curve of the neck and chest is the same 
as is the angle where the neck and head meet. Also, the 
back of the neck, back and rump form one continuous 
curve. Note further the full chests and the markedly 
backward jutting hocks. All these traits are also in line 
with the Classical Tradition of the Dipylon Style, a 
tradition of which our painter is a true representative. 9 

Further details link MM 1976:11 to Athens 17935. 
The hairs of the horses’ manes look like bristles; the 
jaws are protruding; hooves and fetlocks are con¬ 
sciously rendered albeit sometimes rather slovenly; 
and each horse is controlled with the help of three 

53 


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reins. A peculiarity with our painter is his rendering of 
the horses’ tails: they display the stiff but elegant curve 
of the tail of a trotting horse. The Dipylon Master has 
also painted tails in this manner as seen on the Louvre 
krater, Paris A517, on the left side of the prothesis 
scene, 10 and so has the Birdseed Painter, whose af¬ 
finities with the Transitional workshops—among which 
Davison counts the Philadelphia Painter and the Work¬ 
shop of Athens 894—are close. It is also worth noting 
that the Birdseed Painter is contemporary with the late 
Dipylon Workshop. 11 

The filling motifs on MM 1976:11 and Athens 17935 
are the same and what is more striking is that they are 
mainly placed in the same position on both amphorae. 
Zigzags occur over the horses and stacked double M’s 
and hour-glasses separate the horses from the warriors 
and the warriors from the chariots. Underneath the 
horses’ bellies are cross-hatched lozenges. A cross is 
found to the right of each charioteer and a cursive bird 
between his chariot and his horse’s tail. On the Athens 
amphora these reduced birds are placed between both 
the horses’ and the warriors’ legs and they recur on the 
Stockholm amphora between the bulls’ legs in the 
lower frieze. The possible significance of these birds 
will be treated below. 

On the neck of MM 1976:11 the soldiers are tall with 
large jutting noses compared to the stockier figures 
with tiny pointed noses in the chariot scene. As re¬ 
marked earlier, these latter warriors carry shields cov¬ 
ering a greater part of their bodies than their compan¬ 
ions on the neck. This is regarded as an earlier trait 
than the proportionally smaller shields revealing a 
larger part of the thigh. Coldstream points out that this 
development within the Workshop of Athens 894 has 
its counterpart with the Philadelphia Painter, who ac¬ 
cording to Coldstream, undoubtedly influenced the 
workshop in question. 14 Already Cook felt that there 
was a relationship between the two but preferred not to 
press the point. 15 Davison also carefully avoids a defi¬ 
nite statement but says that the Philadephia Painter 
“may prove to be a member of the Workshop of Ath¬ 
ens 894’’. ,6 The three-tiered dotted lozenge frieze on 
MM1976:11 never seems to occur on the vases attri¬ 
buted to this workshop but evidently appealed to the 
Philadelphia Painter and is seen on the amphora Berlin 
3203, 17 and in a two-tiered version on another amphora 
in a private collection by the same painter. 18 Further, 
the warriors and charioteers on MM 1976:11 and Ath¬ 
ens 17935 show closer similarity to the men on Berlin 
3203 than to men on works usually attributed to the 

54 


Workshop of Athens 894. Thus the links between this 
workshop and the Philadelphia Painter now seem even 
closer than previously assumed and Davison’s hunch 
now seems more than just a hunch. The evidence is 
strong for including the latter as a member of the work¬ 
shop. In a way the question is perhaps academic for 
whichever the attributions of these vases their dates 
fall within an extremely short period of time, around 
700 B.C. according to Cook 19 and to Davison, who 
places both the Philadelphia Painter and the Workshop 
of Athens 894 in her Early Orientalizing Group, 20 
transitional to Protoattic. 21 Coldstream considers them 
as contemporary, appearing around 720 at the start of 
the LG lib phase. 22 

A few words should be added about shape. 
Amphorae of the Workshop of Athens 894 are usually 
slim and the early ones are well accentuated. They 
have tall necks growing taller at the end of the series. 23 
This process eventually leads to a softening of the 
contours resulting in the Protoattic type of amphora. 24 
The amphora MM 1976:11 has a proportionately short 
neck and a fullness of the body generally contrasting 
with the works of the workshop. 25 However, the 
amphora Hannover 1953, 148 26 by the same painter as 
the Stockholm vase has a similar body contour with a 
well accentuated transition between body and neck. 
The comparatively short neck of MM 1976:11 recurs, 
however, on Phil MS 5464, the name piece of the 
Philadephia Painter, 27 a trait further linking him with 
our painter. 

Although Davison warns against attaching too much 
importance to shape, 28 1 venture a dating of Stockholm 
MM 1976:11—because of its shape—to the very begin¬ 
ning of the Workshop of Athens 894. It should be 
contemporary with Athens 17935, Karlsruhe B 2675 
and Karlsruhe B 2678a, 29 even if the shapes of these are 
at present not known, but our amphora should be 
earlier than Hannover 1953,148, 30 as the horses on this 
latter vase look spindlier and more formulaic. Also the 
lozenge-star underneath at least one of the horses has 
hooked arms, an oddity which seems more in line with 
Protoattic design. For convenience’s sake it now 
seems practical to name our painter the Stockholm 
Painter after MM 1976:11 as this vase, from what has 
been said above, is one of his earliest works so far 
known. His closeness to the Philadelphia Painter has 
been attested above but rather than placing one earlier 
than the other I also see them as contemporaries. The 
Stockholm Painter, however, displays a more sober 
style. 


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Fig. 4 Detail of chariot scene on belly, side one. 


Interpretation of the figured scenes 

Snakes are often associated with the dead. 31 Thus when 
plastic snakes appear on Late Geometric vases we can 
be certain that these vessels were part of the grave 
ritual. 32 Similarly, the scenes depicted on the vases can 
be associated with the funeral, symbolizing various 
aspects. How then can the three figured friezes on MM 
1976:11 be interpreted? We shall start with the main 
one around the widest part of the body. 

Horses and chariots had long been intimately con¬ 
nected with funerary tradition in the Aegean and the 
Near East, ample evidence being found not the least in 
Mycenaean representational art. 33 Also the Iliad pro¬ 
vides testimony of chariot races in connection with 
Patroklos’ funeral (Iliad 23, 362 ff.). Thus when the 
Stockholm Painter depicted a chariot scene on MM 
1976:11 he used a traditional motif of familiar funerary 


symbolism. The nature of the scene is further under¬ 
lined by his inclusion of birds, 34 fairly naturalistic ones 
to the left of the chariots in the middle of the frieze on 
side one (fig. 4) and cursive ones scattered between the 
figures. Note also how these enigmatic birds, inspired 
from Corinth, 35 appear in the secondary figured friezes 
on the neck and on the lower part of the body. The 
chariot scene with inserted warriors between each 
chariot can either be interpreted as a chariot proces¬ 
sion with warriors participating or as a race where the 
warriors may only be a decorative element. 36 On the 
Stockholm vase a procession is the likelier alternative 
as nothing in the scene—such as winner’s prizes—sug¬ 
gests a race. We do not know if such processions or 
races were actually held in Geometric times, but they 
certainly retained their symbolic value quite in line 
with the aristocratic practices of an earlier, not forgot¬ 
ten age. 37 


55 


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Fig. 5 Detail of bull frieze, side one. 


The warriors marching on the neck of the vase can 
probably be thought of as participating in the same 
procession as is depicted in the chariot frieze. The 
shieldless warrior on side two (fig. 3) stands out as 
being equipped with a sword recalling a similar though 
unhelmeted figure in the chariot scene on Athens 
17935, 38 the companionpiece of MM 1976:11. How¬ 
ever, according to Ahlberg, warriors parading become 
more and more merely a decorative motif as Late 
Geometric progresses. 39 

The most uncommon, and therefore perhaps most 
exciting, scene on the Stockholm amphora is the frieze 
of bulls (fig. 5). We have already seen that representa¬ 
tions of bulls are common in Mycenaean but rare in 
Geometric art. 40 Their funerary significance, as was the 
case with the chariot scene, is attested by the appear¬ 
ance of birds between the legs of the bulls. Although 
the occurrence of these bulls is probably inspired by 
native funerary tradition, the crescent shaped horns 

56 


reveal their oriental prototype. 41 For the Eastern influ¬ 
ence cannot be denied; rather, it complicates the 
picture, as Benson sees it, appearing as it does when 
the Geometric artist is trying to come to terms with his 
native pictorial tradition in Mycenaean vase-painting. 42 

The bulls on MM 1976:11 are descendants of the bull 
inside a skyphos from Thera by the Birdseed Painter, 43 
and forefathers of the ones depicted inside a similar but 
Protoattic skyphos from Anavyssos. 44 That the bulls on 
the Stockholm amphora were intended for funerary 
sacrifice is—as pointed out above—clear from the 
birds associated with them. Even more frequent as 
filling motif in the frieze is the hour-glass or double¬ 
axe, as Ahlberg prefers to call it. She finds no reason to 
attach special significance to this motif because of its 
infrequent occurrence in the prothesis scenes. 45 It is 
just possible, though, that this double-axe could be 
identified with the sacrificial axe. If this were the*case, 
the axe further stresses the funerary character of our 


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bull frieze, for cattle were sacrificed at funerals in 
Geometric times as evidenced by bones found in grave 
fills. 46 


Conclusion 

The amphora MM 1976:11 has been shown to be an 
early work by the artist we have called the Stockholm 
Painter, a member of the Workshop of Athens 894 as 
was probably also the Philadephia Painter. The funer¬ 
ary character of the vase is immediately apparent from 
the snakes curling on mouth, handles and shoulder, for 


1 Karl Schefold, Griechische Kunst als religidses Phdnomen , 
Hamburg 1959, p. 30. 

2 For the origin of the hero-cult see Martin P. Nilsson, 
Geschichte der griechischen Religion , 3rd ed., Miinchen 
1967, pp. 378-84; for archaeological evidence from the latter 
part of the 8th century see J. Nicholas Coldstream, Geometric 
Greece , London 1977, pp. 346-48. 

3 J. L. Benson, Horse , Bird & Man. The Origins of Greek 
Painting. Amherst 1970, passim. 

4 Thalia Phillies Howe, ‘Linear B and Hesiod’s Breadwin¬ 
ners’, AJA 63, 1959, p. 189. 

3 Rodney S. Young, Late Geometric Graves and a Seventh 
Century Well in the Agora (- Hesperia, Suppl. 2), Athens 
1939, p. 19. 

• See Eva Brann, ‘Late Geometric Well Groups from the 
Athenian Agora’, Hesperia 30, 1961, p. 127 for representa¬ 
tions of cattle on pottery. A further example on the neck of an 
oinochoe, Eleusis Museum 724, is depicted in Bernhard 
Schmaltz, Metallfiguren aus dem Kabirenheiligtum bei The- 
ben (-Das Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben VI), Berlin 1980, 
Tafel 23. 

7 Mr. Jensen kindly gave me this information in a private 
letter. He briefly mentioned the amphora in ‘Om Louisianas 
graeske samling’, Louisiana 1958, Arbog (Annual Report of 
the museum) ed. by Knud W. Jensen and Ole Wivel. 


these animals are often associated with the dead. Also 
the birds, more often than not reduced to an almost 
unrecognizable state, bear witness to the function of 
the figured scene. Horses, chariots, warriors, and bulls 
were seen to be intimately linked with funeral rites, 
which had been inherited from the Mycenaeans, who 
had in turn depicted them on pottery and described 
them in the songs of the Iliad. The Greek Geometric 
artist in the last half of the 8th century exploited his 
heritage as evidenced by the Geometric pictorial style. 
The Stockholm amphora, painted c. 720 B.C. at the 
start of the final Geometric phase (LG lib), should be 
seen in this context. 


8 J. Nicholas Coldstream, Greek Geometric Pottery , London 
1968 (henceforth Coldstream, GGP), pp. 58 and 61 and pi. 
11c. The earliest main attributions to this workshop were 
made by J. M. Cook in ‘Athenian Workshops around 700’, 
BSA 42, 1947 (henceforth Cook, BSA 42), pp. 146-49; Jean B. 
Davison, Attic Geometric Workshops (Yale Classical Studies, 
no. 16), New Haven 1961, pp. 144-46; and Eva Brann, Late 
Geometric and Protoattic Pottery (-Agora VIII), Princeton 
1962, p. 9. Coldstream, GGP y pp. 58-60 gives a full list of 
references and attributions. 

* Coldstream, GG/\ pp. 56 and 61; cf. ibid. pi. 7a the Louvre 
krater Paris A517 by the Dipylon Master; further Davison, 
op.cit. fig. 98 and pp. 138-39 (for bibliography), the spouted 
krater London 1899.2-19.1 from Thebes attributed to the Sub- 
Dipylon Group; and the Philadelphia amphora MS 5466, Davi¬ 
son, op.cit. fig. 49 and p. 147 (for bibliography). Already 
Cook, BSA 42, p. 149 noted the relationship between the 
horses of the Philadelphia Painter and the ones on the Thebes 
krater. 

10 Supra n. 9. 

11 Davison, op.cit. pp. 120 and 122. 

13 CVA Karlsruhe 1 ( = Deutschland 7), p. 12, fig. 2. See also 
Coldstream, GGP, p. 58. 

13 CVA Karlsruhe 1, p. 12, fig. 4. 

14 Coldstream, GGP, pp. 58 and 61. 


57 


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15 Cook, BSA 42, p. 149. 

18 Davison, op.cit. p. 48. 

17 Davison, op.cit. fig. 48a. 

18 Renate Tolle, Friihgriechische Reigentanze , Waldsassen/ 
Bayern 1964, pi. 8; cf. also Coldstream, GGP, p. 57. 

19 Cook, BSA 42, pp. 146-49. 

20 Davison, op.cit. pp. 41 and 48. 

21 Davison, op.cit. pp. 95 and 122. 

22 Coldstream, GGP, p. 331. 

23 Coldstream, GGP , p. 60. 

24 J. M. Cook, ‘Protoattic Pottery’, BSA 35, 1934-35, p. 169. 

25 Cf. Davison, op.cit. figs. 33-39. 

28 Alfred Hentzen, ‘Erwerbungen des Kestner-Museums, 
Hannover 1952-1955’, Hannoversche Geschichtsbldtter , Bd. 
9:6, 1955, Abb. 12. 

27 Cf. Davison, op.cit. fig. 49. 

28 Davison, op.cit. pp. 102-103. 

29 CVA Karlsruhe 1, p. 12, figs. 2 and 4, the latter piece 
undoubtedly also by the same painter though not attributed by 
Coldstream. 

30 Supra n. 26. 

31 Martin P. Nilsson, op.cit. p. 198. 


32 Coldstream, GGP , p. 60. 

33 Benson, op.cit. pp. 20-25. 

34 Benson has shown that, already under Mycenaean times, 
birds were images connected with funerals and that this im¬ 
agery was later taken over by the Geometric artist; Benson, 
op.cit. pp. 28-29. 

35 Cook, BSA 42, p. 152. 

36 Gudrun Ahlberg, Prothesis and Ekphora (= SIMA 32), vol. 
HI, Goteborg 1971, pp. 196-98. 

37 Benson, op.cit. pp. 24-25. 

38 Coldstream, GGP, pi. 11c. 

39 Ahlberg, op.cit. pp. 202-204. 

40 See supra n. 6. 

41 Emil Kunze, Kretische Bronzereliefs , Stuttgart 1931, pp. 
158-59. 

42 Benson, op.cit. p. 87. 

43 Ernst Pfuhl, ‘Der archaische Friedhof am Stadtberge von 
Thera’, AthMitt 28, 1903, pi. 3; Coldstream, GGP , p. 69. 

44 Kunze, op.cit. p. 158 and pi. 53e. 

45 Ahlberg, op.cit. pp. 157 and 235-36. 

48 Supra n. 5. 


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An Etruscan Antefix 


Eva Rystedt 


Although the exhibition of Graeco-Roman antiquities 
belonging to the Medelhavsmuseet is currently housed 
in the Museum of National Antiquities, no visitor could 
possibly mistake the female head published here 1 of 
having anything to do with the Nordic sphere. Its col¬ 
ouring definitely points southwards, to regions where 
women had dark hair and dark eyes. Who these women 
were is a question which may be answered in different 
ways: Etruscan, if one looks at where the head was 
made; Greek, if one wants to stress the conformity of 
the head to an archaic pattern which is more Greek 
than Etruscan; or simply Mediterranean, recognizing 
the artistic convention that intervenes between a head 
such as this and any models for it. 

The idea of an individual portrait is, in fact, totally 
absent. The head is an antefix, i.e. an architectonic 
member adorning one end of a cover-tile on the eaves 
of a tile roof. In this position, it was accompanied at 
regular intervals by numerous identical pieces, all gaz¬ 
ing slightly downwards from a height of a few metres. 
The thickset row of colourful faces must have made a 
striking impression, which was perhaps further en¬ 
hanced by other painted, architectural decoration on 
the same building. 

The piece preserves the entire antefix, with the ex¬ 
ception of a portion of the hair and the neck to the 
figure’s left, and a chip low down on the hair on the 
opposite side. The cover-tile part has fared less well 
and is to be seen for a short stretch only behind the 
head. The height of the antefix from the top of the head 
to the horizontal lower ending is 17.3 cm; its width at 
the level of the ears is 15.3 cm; and the “depth”, 
including the preserved length of the cover-tile, is 16.6 
cm (Figs. 1-4). 2 

The whole is made of a fairly coarse clay, which fired 
reddish-brown all through. Like most Etruscan 


architectural decoration in terracotta intended for pro¬ 
duction in several identical copies, the antefix was 
made from a mould, i.e. a negative form; this, in its 
turn, was obtained from a positive original or 
archetype. When the head had been taken out of the 
mould, the back part was attached to one end of the 
semi-cylindrical cover-tile, which was shaped sepa¬ 
rately. Next came the final treatment of the visible 
surfaces of the whole and the firing. The surface treat¬ 
ment comprised the application over the entire antefix 
and the upper side of the cover-tile of a slip, probably 
made up of diluted clay; on top of that, a cream coat¬ 
ing; and, last, the cover paint, using red, black, light 
brown and cream. The coating and the paint are quite 
well preserved, and so we are in a position to appraise 
a coloration that is some 2500 years old but is still in 
something like mint condition. 

In the frontal view of the piece, only the antefix 
appears, the tile being hidden from sight behind it (Fig. 
2). The face forms a fairly straight-sided oblong with a 
gradual and not very pronounced taper from the temple 
area downwards. At the lower end, the line of the 
cheeks passes over smoothly into the curve of the chin. 
Opposite, an antithetic but broader curve is formed by 
the contour of the skull. The hair falls down on both 
sides from a parting in the middle and, being kept 
behind the ears, reaches slightly below the level of the 
chin. Towards the forehead and the temples, it appears 
in orderly waves, while below the ears it forms two 
straight, vertical strands to each side. The ear-lobes are 
covered by large, round, ornamental discs, each in the 
shape of a five-petalled flower. Another accessory is 
the bead necklace to be seen on what little is portrayed 
of the neck below the face. 

The most striking single feature in the frontal aspect 
of the face is no doubt the inordinately large eyes. They 

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Fig. 2. Antefix MM 1976:9. 


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Fig. 3. Antefix MM 1976:9. Vertical profile. Drawing by E. 
Rystedt. 

cover nearly the whole width of the face, and their 
horizontal extent is underlined by the elegantly curved 
brows, which come all the way up to the hairline. The 
eyes are not only long but are also opened wide, with 
enormous irises. Another distinctive trait is their low 
position in relation to the base of the nose. 

In comparison with the eyes, the nose and the mouth 
are less conspicuous; however, this does not mean that 
they lack character. The mouth especially is quite dis¬ 
tinctive in the frontal view, with its short but full lips, 
the upper lip forming a delicate Cupid’s bow. By con¬ 
trast, the nose has a slight plumpness about it that 
comes from its width, together with the conspicuous¬ 
ness of the nostrils. 

The side view of the piece (Fig. 1) allows us to 
appreciate antefix and tile as an architectonic unit. The 
transition from one element to the other occurs along a 
line starting by the rear contour of the side hair of the 
antefix and continuing up behind the ears, the joint 
being, however, invisible from the outside. The antefix 
is seen to reach a lower level than the backing tile. This 
means that, in its original position on the roof, the 
antefix was hanging down somewhat over the eaves. A 
row of such antefixes broke the uniform line of the roof 
edge at regular intervals and so strengthened the enliv- 

62 


Fig. 4. Antefix MM 1976:9. Horizontal profile at the level of 
the eyes. Drawing by E. Rystedt. 

ening accent that their mere presence brought to the 
eaves. 

As for the antefix itself, the profile view completes 
the impression of the face. It will be noted that the 
forehead recedes only slightly, that the nose is, unmis¬ 
takably, a turned-up one, and that the chin is well 
articulated. Though eye and eyebrow are less striking 
than in the front view, the wide gaze comes out quite 
well here, too. A detail to be noted is that the inner 
corner of the eye appears behind the iris, which is 
actually impossible in the strict profile view. The line 
of the cheek towards mouth and nose is straight, with 
no trace of the curve imposed even by the faintest 
smile. The ear, though at a proper depth and a proper 
height, shows a rather unnatural configuration, which 
is more apparent from this angle than in the frontal 
view of the face. Furthermore, the side view discloses 
the obtuse angle formed by the hairline at the transition 
from the undulations at the forehead and temples to the 
straightness of the hanging strand. The skull appears 
flattened on top, where the head merges with the 
cover-tile. 

The colours employed are cream for the skin of the 
face, the parting and the wavy lines in the hair and 
(probably) the major part of the tile; black for the hair. 


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the eyes (eyelids and iris), the eyebrows, the contours 
of the petals and of the central round in the ear orna¬ 
ments, every second bead of the necklace (one black 
bead preserved) and a transverse band at the tile; red 
for the mouth, the lachrymal glands at the inner 
corners of the eyes, the inner lining of the ears, the 
central round of the ear ornaments and every second 
bead of the necklace (one and a half red beads pre¬ 
served); and light brown for the petals of the ear orna¬ 
ments. 

The suppression of the back part of the head by the 
cover-tile gives to the antefix a mask-like quality, 
which it shares with all other head antefixes. Among 
these, the gorgon antefixes stand apart from the rest on 
account of their extreme flatness. This head has much 
more depth, yet it contains traits that weaken its sub¬ 
stantiality. One of these is the representation of the 
eyes as oversized and opened unnaturally wide. 
Another, more subtle one is the treatment of the sculp¬ 
tural volume, showing an overriding sense of decora¬ 
tive line and colour, in other words, the two-dimen¬ 
sional approach to three-dimensional form. 

This takes us into the sphere of style, actually to the 
stylistic essence of the antefix, for most of the single 
characteristics to be presented below seem to be de¬ 
pendent on this basic approach. 

The stylization of the antefix is instantly observed. It 
is evident both in larger shapes, like the geometrized 
oval of the face, and in single features, especially the 
eyes, the eyebrows and the ears. There is only a faint 
link between this kind of ear and the real thing, which 
is less regular and more complex. 

Actually, the ear has been turned into a linear pat¬ 
tern, in which two colours, red and cream, are con¬ 
trasted. A similar effect is produced by the depiction of 
the waves of the hair as thin, white lines; their regular 
movement against the dominant black—once again a 
two-colour scheme—would be quite effective as, for 
instance, a textile pattern. 

The painted waves altogether lack plasticity, and this 
is true also for the eyebrows and the necklace, which 
are perceptible through colour only. A reduced plas¬ 
ticity characterizes several other features as well: the 
ears, barely set off from the skull and lacking a hol- 
lowed-out interior; the eyes, with only a very slight 
bulge for the globe and no eyelids; the hairline against 
the forehead, whose waves are recognized as plastic 
only if one moves a finger along them. 

The indifference to sculptural effects is evidenced 
also by the summary modelling of larger surfaces. The 


face is treated in the main as a plain expanse hardly 
moved by the dimples and shades that belong to the 
living human face and little affected by the underlying 
bone structure. As for the hair, the only attempt at 
sculptural diversification is the superficial division of 
the side hair into tresses. The uniformity is underlined 
by the use of flat colour, cream for the face and black 
for the hair. 

The larger surfaces also exemplify a tendency to use 
planes set at an angle to each other. The lower part of 
the hair shows two distinct planes at right angles to 
each other. These planes are carried upwards as far as 
the ear, which is schematically divided between the 
two, the “side plane” showing its upper and middle 
part and the “front plane” the disc ornament at the 
lobe. Still higher up, one notes another, equally abrupt 
transition between the plane of the skull and that of the 
forehead and temples. The phenomenon is present in 
the face, too. Here, however, it is much less obtrusive, 
since the planes involved—that of the brow and eyes 
and those of the temples—correspond better to the 
actual organic structure, and the angle between them is 
less marked than in the previous examples. Still, one 
cannot but notice the peculiar way in which eye and 
eyebrow each stretch across two planes, their outer 
portions curving unnaturally away from the inner ones, 
in a manner recalling the treatment of the ear (see Fig. 
4). 

Many of these characteristics are closely related, so 
closely related, in fact, that their separation may be felt 
as artificial and superfluous. It certainly is with regard 
to the artistic genesis of the piece and our comprehen¬ 
sion of it; for the man who made the primary model for 
the antefix hardly thought of single traits to be added 
while working with the clay. To distinguish such traits 
may help us rather when we want to find out where and 
when the antefix was made, and in connection with 
what specific, stylistic current. 

The Etruscan antefixes were treated comprehen¬ 
sively for the first time by the Swedish scholar Andren 
in his work on the Etrusco-Italic architectural ter¬ 
racotta; 3 though it was published forty years ago, this 
study is still the most authoritative one in print. Andren 
divides the antefixes into types more or less clearly 
corresponding to different archetypes. Each type is 
described in some detail and its occurrence specified 
by reference to all the single, known antefixes repres¬ 
enting it; of these, at least one is reproduced photo¬ 
graphically. Although a glance through Andren’s plates 
does not reveal an antefix exactly like the present one, 

63 


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it conducts us definitely towards the archaic antefixes 
from Cerveteri. 4 Some of these come close not only in 
general form and style—face oval, hair parted in the 
middle and falling down in two strands on each side, 
features relying as much on paint as on modelling, line 
and colour chiefly responsible for the overall effect— 
but also in particulars, without, however, casting doubt 
on the distinctness of the type. 

The Stockholm specimen is actually not the sole 
surviving representative. Various museums in Europe 
and America contain antefixes relating to the same 
archetype which were acquired many years ago. 
Further examples (including this one) became known 
only lately. The list given here comprises the examples 
that I know of. My sources have been the different 
kinds of publications in which they appear. Since the 
photographic documentation is all-important in a study 
of this kind, when one has no opportunity to see the 
pieces for oneself, its character and quality are 
specified for each item. 

1. Cerveteri, Museo Nazionale 

Excavated in the nineteen-thirties within the borders of 
the ancient city of Cerveteri (Vigna Parrocchiale). 

R. Mengarelli, II luogo e i materiali del tempio di Hera a 
Caere, StEtr 10, 1936, p. 76, Tav. XXV:5 ( en face view, 
black-and-white, bad quality); Andrdn, p. 22 (type I:4c); P. J. 
Riis, Tyrrhenika , Copenhagen 1941, p. 10, no. 8; C. H. Pen- 
nock (see infra under no. 3), p. 11, Tav. Ill {en face and 
profile view, black-and-white, good quality); M. Moretti, 
Cerveteri , Novara 1977, p. 62, Ill. 89 (three-quarter view, 
colour, good quality) with caption on p. 16. 

2. Paris, Louvre No. 5157 

Bought by the museum from Count Campana, whose 
collection is known to have centred around material 
supplied from the unofficial excavations of the last 
century at Cerveteri. 

J. Martha, L’Art Etrusque, Paris 1889, Fig. 141 ( enface view, 
of minute size); G. Q. Giglioli, L’Arte etrusca , Milan 1935, p. 
34, Tav. CLXXXIII:1 {enface view, black-and-white, good 
quality); Andr6n, p. 33 (type 11:116), PI. 9:31 {enface view, 
black-and-white, bad quality); Pennock (see infra under no. 
3), p. 12, Tav. IV {en face view, black-and-white, good qual¬ 
ity). 

On the face of it, this antefix seems to be of a different type. 
It has a rectangular base, and on top of the head there is a 
crested helmet incorporating goat’s horns and ears, in con¬ 
formity with the iconography of Juno Sospita. Yet these parts, 
along with a few more, minor ones, are late-nineteen-century 
additions. I follow Pennock in regarding the rest as an exam- 

64 


pie of the same type as that represented by the Cerveteri 
piece. 

3. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Fogg Museum of Art 
Of unknown provience. 

C. H. Pennock, An Etruscan Antefix in the Fogg Museum of 
Art, ArchCl 6, 1954, pp. 9-16, Tav. II {en face and profile 
view, black-and-white, good quality). 

4. Rome, Museo di Villa Giulia 

A surface find made in the nineteen-fifties at the site of 
ancient Pyrgi, one of the ports of ancient Cerveteri. 

G. Foti, in Santa Severa (Roma). Scavi e ricerche nel sito 
dell’antica Pyrgi (1957-1958), NSc , ser. 8, 13, 1959, pp. 182- 
183, Fig. 32:2 {en face view, black-and-white, bad quality). 

This antefix is much abraded and difficult to judge from the 
published photograph. What, nevertheless, permits its as¬ 
sociation with the others on the list, apart from the somewhat 
generalized likeness (owing to the poor state of preservation), 
is the observation on the part of the publisher that the one, 
preserved, disc earring has painted radial lines on it (not 
visible on the photograph); this pattern (actually a rosette) 
corresponds to that used on antefixes of the present type, 
while it would not seem to occur on the other Caeretan, 
female-head antefixes without a diadem. 8 

5. Rome, Museo di Villa Giulia 

Excavated in the nineteen-sixties in an ancient well 
( pozzo ) at Quartaccio di Ceri, not far from Cerveteri. 

L. Ricci Portoghesi, Una nuova lastra dipinta cerite, ArchCl 
18, 1966, p. 16, Tav. IV (three-quarter view, black-and- 
white, bad quality). 

6. At a Swiss art dealer’s in 1976. Present location 
unknown to me. 

Of unknown provenience. 

Palladion. Antike Kunst. Katalog 1976, No. 95, p. 79 and 
plate on the opposite page {en face view, colour, good qual¬ 
ity). 

Adding the Stockholm piece, we may thus set the 
number of surviving specimens of the type at around 
seven. 6 Two of these—the Cerveteri museum and the 
Louvre antefixes—were in fact known to Andr6n, 
turning up, as they did, before his book was published. 
However, he neither recognized the (probable) identity 
of their types, nor the independence of this type in 
relation to the others presented by him. 7 This appears 
from his references to the two antefixes in connection 
with his types l Ad and 11:116 respectively, both differ- 


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ent from ours. Today the distinction is more easily 
made, since more and better-preserved and better-il¬ 
lustrated specimens of the type represented by the 
Stockholm piece are available. 

The three antefixes found at Cerveteri or in the area 
under its immediate control (nos. 1, 4 and 5) have a 
special position in the series: they are the only ones 
whose find-spots are officially recorded. On this point 
they serve as an anchor for the floating remainder, 
binding them to their own place of origin. As long as 
examples of the type do not turn up in regular excava¬ 
tions at other Etruscan sites, too, a Caeretan proveni¬ 
ence may thus be considered as established for the 
Stockholm antefix and its enumerated counterparts in 
museums and elsewhere outside Italy. They were all 
excavated unofficially. The dates of their appearances 
testify to clandestine activity stretching over a hundred 
years. The Paris piece (and possibly also the 
Cambridge, Mass., one) is to be connected with the 
extensive operations at Cerveteri of the last century, 
while the two remaining antefixes, including the pre¬ 
sent one, 8 may be sad evidence of fresh exploitation, 
their roughly simultaneous appearance on the market 
indicating a single, lately available source. 

As long as the Cerveteri antefix was the only exam¬ 
ple in existence with a secure provenience, it could be 
assumed that all the known pieces derived from the 


area of this city proper. 9 The later finds at Pyrgi and 
Ceri make it clear that antefixes of this type were used 
not only in the metropolis but at other localities within 
the Caeretan territory as well. 10 That a single workshop 
could meet the demands of several localities is hardly 
surprising, especially considering the short distances 
involved. More significant is the plural existence 
within a limited area of the kind of pretentious 
architecture symbolized by such antefixes. 

The stratigraphical contexts of the excavated 
antefixes are in each case too vague to provide any¬ 
thing like a close date. Therefore, to learn when the 
antefix type was in use, one has to proceed by compar¬ 
ing it stylistically with other works of sculpture, for 
which dates have been determined. 

Andren did the first work on these lines for the entire 
group of archaic Caeretan antefixes in the form of 
female heads. On the basis of mainly form and style, he 
arranged the types in what he considered to be their 
relative chronological order, and the series was made 
to run within the framework of two fifty-year periods, 
600-550 B.C. and 550-500 B.C. 11 Though it may need 
to be adjusted and precised especially in terms of abso¬ 
lute dates, 12 this system is still basically valid. Its gen¬ 
eral tenor is that of a movement from small to large, 
from plain to elaborate, from mask-like, strongly 
stylized appearances to more life-like ones. 


Fig. 5. Antefix in Berlin (Pergamon Museum). After Andren, 
PI. 6:15. 



Fig. 6. Antefix in Berlin (Pergamon Museum). After Andr6n, 
PI. 6:16. 



5-Bulletin 15 


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Fig. 7. Antefix in Berlin (Pergamon Museum). After Andr6n, 
PI. 6:13. 


Fig. 8. Antefix in London (British Museum). After Andr6n, 
PL 9:28. 




The position with respect to the form and style of the 
Stockholm antefix in relation to the types of Andren’s 
series may be expressed in two ways. 

On the one hand, it most resembles antefixes of 
types 1:4c and 1:4 d (Figs. 5-6). 13 These share its general 
style, as described above. The hair is rendered alike as 
a black mass scalloped above the forehead and falling 
down in two tresses on either side. In type 1:4 d it is 
diversified by sparse white lines in overlay paint, as in 
the present piece, and here likewise it leaves more of 
the forehead exposed. The ears of both types are 
greatly stylized and lack plasticity. 1:4c has the wide 
gaze and \Ad the broad nose of the Stockholm antefix. 
Despite individual marks, the three heads seem to rep¬ 
resent roughly the same typological stage. 14 

On the other hand, the antefix (and with it those of 
Andren’s types 1:4c and 1:4 d) appears to be about 
midway between types 1:4a and II:11a (Figs. 7-B). 15 
The former is somewhat smaller than the present piece. 
The stylization is more marked, both as regards the 
face and the hair; the shape of the former approximates 
to a triangle in the front view, and the latter gives the 
impression of a smooth wig rather than of natural hair. 
In short, the appearance has more the character of a 
mask than that of the Stockholm item. 11:1 la, on the 
contrary, shows the gradual melting of this character at 
a more advanced stage than in the Stockholm piece. 
One immediately notes the more life-like rendering of 
hair, ears and eyes by both sculptural and pictorial 
means. The hair has a series of plastic waves all over. 
The waves carry a close network of painted lines, 
which, unlike the sparse ones, convey a sense of the 
texture of the hair. The interior structure of the ears is 
indicated plastically and the pupils are set off from the 
iris by a different colour. Among individual antefixes of 
the type, there is variability of colour and pattern, a 
feature not encountered in connection with 1:4c, 1:4 d 
or the present type. There are both ear ornaments and 
a diadem, the latter rising above the backing tile. 

Types 1:4c and l Ad are assigned by Andr6n to the 
period 600-550 B.C., as is also type 1:4a, while he 
places 11:1 la between 550 and 500 B.C. On these pre¬ 
mises—my correlation of the Stockholm antefix with 
Andren's types and Andren’s absolute dates for the 
latter—a date around 550 B.C. (rather before than af¬ 
ter) may seem reasonable. 

However, such dating remains somewhat un¬ 
satisfactory, since its grounds are too imprecise. Be¬ 
fore using types 1:4a and II:lla in combination for an 
intermediate date, 16 it would be better try to establish 


66 


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the more exact chronological position of each. 1:4 a 
ought to be placed after 575 B.C. 17 11:1 la belongs late 
in the third, if not in the fourth quarter of the century. 18 
Therefore, we should probably move down somewhat 
into the second half of the century. 540-530 B.C. seems 
a better proposition. It entails a corresponding lower¬ 
ing of AndrSn’s date for types 1:4c and 1:4 d. 19 

This date differs markedly from the only fully ex¬ 
plained one so far given for an antefix of this type. In 
fact, the Fogg Art Museum piece was placed by Pen- 
nock, its publisher, in the following century, between 
490 and 480 B.C. 20 What provoked this very late date, 
was, however, a misconception of its style as one mid¬ 
way between receding archaism and incipient classi¬ 
cism. 21 Pennock’s view is further contradicted by cer¬ 
tain formal traits of respectable archaic vintage, such 
as the lack of a diadem (to say nothing of more elabo¬ 
rate, framing structure) 22 and the overhang of the lower 
part of the antefix with respect to the backing tile. 23 

In this light, the early fifth-century kore from the 
Acropolis adduced by Pennock as a valuable stylistic 
parallel to the present type of antefix 24 may be safely 
disregarded, as also quite likely the Attic influence 
which she is thereby led to assume; 23 the shallow mod¬ 
elling of the antefix in fact makes a striking contrast 
with contemporary Attic sculpture, with its vigorous 
modelling of all the single parts and features and its 
sense of structure. 26 However, the other Greek regions 
do not provide much better material for a comparison. 
As for the eastem-Greek korai and other sixth-century 
sculpture from Asia Minor and the islands near the 
coast (so far as it is known), 27 the modelling of faces is, 
on the whole, less thorough and distinct than in Attica 
or generally in mainland Greece, yet the forms are 
mostly more rounded and mellow than in this antefix. 
Sicily and Magna Graecia actually produced female- 
head antefixes of terracotta, but these are very differ¬ 
ent from the present one, the impression they give 
being always strongly sculptural and often crude. 28 

Yet nobody would deny a strong Greek imprint. Its 
source should, however, probably be sought within a 
different geographical context—in sixth-century Etruria 
itself. This conclusion is not as surprising as it may 
first seem, for the penetration of Greek artists and 
artisans—not only Greek products—into archaic 
Etruria is becoming more and more clear as archae¬ 
ological research proceeds and the indications from 
vase-painting, wall-painting and other artistic spheres 
multiply. 29 Among works which have supplied such indi¬ 
cations can the best parallels to the antefix be found. 

5* — Bulletin IS 


Fig. 9. Dancing woman. Tomba dei Giocolieri at Tarquinia. 
After M. Moretti, Tarquinia, Novara 1974, Ill. 38. 


Fig. 10. Detail of a Pontic amphora in Munich. Courtesy of 
the Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek. 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 



Painted wall decoration seem to offer the conceptu¬ 
ally closest heads, such as that of the magnificent danc¬ 
ing woman of the Tomba dei Giocolieri at Tarquinia 
(Fig. 9) 30 or that appearing on a fragmentary terracotta 
plaque from Cerveteri now in Berlin. 31 In both cases, 
the decorative line and a few, stark colours are basic to 
the composition. A detail of interest in the matter of 
colour is the red spot highlighting the cheek of the 
dancer in the Tarquinian tomb. The same kind of 
“rouge”, though less bright, is actually present in the 
Stockholm antefix, too, as a faint preserved tint on the 
left cheek (visible in Fig. 2), to which one would not 
pay much heed without the evidence of the wall-paint¬ 
ing. 32 Other correspondences between the tomb head 
and the antefix are in the hair-style (the tight, non-plas¬ 
tic fit over forehead and skull, the scalloped hairline, 
the free fall of the strands below the level of the ear, the 
lack of a diadem), the ear ornament (large discs partly 
hiding the stylized ears), the eye (strikingly large) and 
the mouth (small but with full lips). 33 

There is, however, a noticeable difference in flavour 
between the painted faces and the antefix: the differ¬ 
ence between the mature and sensuous and the adoles¬ 
cent and alert. The face of another female in the Tomba 
dei Giocolieri is actually more in the vein of the present 
antefix, as it shares more of its physical set-up (hair¬ 
style and colouring are, however, different). 34 One may 
also profitably compare the female faces to be seen on 
painted vases like the Caeretan hydriae and the Pontic 
vases; those to be seen on the hydriae often have the 
same pretty traits with a slight touch of crudeness. 
Most congenial within this category is perhaps the 
youthfully pert Aphrodite on the famous Pontic 
amphora in Munich (Fig. 10). 35 

The works referred to are roughly contemporary 
with the antefix; all are heavily indebted to eastern- 
Greek or Ionian traditions, if not actually executed by 
immigrant Ionians. 36 Since the antefix is in good agree¬ 
ment with them, it can be assigned to the same stylistic 
sphere, perhaps most aptly called “Etruscanized Io¬ 
nian”, in recognition of its primary connection with 
Ionian Greeks operating in Etruria and in acceptance of 
the impracticability of distinguishing between a Greek 
and an Italian hand, where, as in this case, there are no 
inscriptions to guide us. 37 

The implication that the archetype of the antefix may 
be the work of a Greek has some interesting corol¬ 
laries. One is that the production of architectural ter¬ 
racotta in sixth-century Etruria was perhaps not the 
altogether native affair which one is prone to assume 

68 


after reading about Vulca and looking at the famous 
sculptures from Veii. 38 Another is that Greeks may 
have participated in the manufacture of a roof ter¬ 
racotta that was more at home in Italy than in Greece— 
if this is true of the female-head antefix. 39 

Finally, let us return for a moment to the style of the 
antefix, more specifically to its “pictorial” impact and 
the obvious correspondence to schemes used in con¬ 
temporary wall-painting. To take these traits fully into 
account, I believe that we should envisage the produc¬ 
tion of antefixes such as this as taking place in close 
conjunction with the decoration of walls, i.e. as involv¬ 
ing, if not the same persons, then perhaps the same 
workshops. Considering the importance of painting in 
the fabrication of sixth-century, architectural ter¬ 
racotta—to which this antefix itself bears witness, 
alongside elements like painted simas and eaves- 
tiles—a workshop producing roof terracottas combined 
with painted wall decoration, and maybe also painted 
ceramics, would not be an anomaly ; 40 besides, it would 
fit in particularly well at Cerveteri, with its multiple 
evidence of wall-painting executed on slabs of ter¬ 
racotta. 41 That sculpture and painting could, indeed, be 
practised by a single man in central Italy in late archaic 
times is clear from ancient testimony: the account gi¬ 
ven by Pliny of how the Greek (sic!) artists Damophilos 
and Gorgasos went about to decorate the Roman tem¬ 
ple of Ceres, Liber and Libera (inaugurated in 493 
B.C.), each doing the sculpture and painting relative to 
one half of the temple. 42 

Following the same line of thought, one may wonder 
about the part played by people practising wall-paint¬ 
ing or at any rate influenced by it in the formation at 
Cerveteri of the fundamentally non-plastic style which 
is represented in the second half of the sixth century by 
several three-dimensional sculptures of terracotta be¬ 
sides the antefix treated here; one may cite most of the 
Caeretan, sixth-century, female-head antefixes starting 
with Andren’s type 1:4 a (Fig. 7), 43 and also such fa¬ 
mous works as the large terracotta akroterion in Berlin, 
the reclining couple of the “Sarcofago degli Sposi” in 
Rome, etc. 44 

The issue, which seems hitherto not to have been 
looked at seriously from this specific angle, 45 is natu¬ 
rally too large and too problematic to be treated even 
sketchily here. As for the functioning of the archaic 
Etruscan workshops for terracotta production, it has 
lately attracted the attention of more than one scholar 46 
but nonetheless requires much more study before we 
can know even part of what we want to know. Still, it is 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 



a merit of the antefix in the Medelhavsmuseet to have 
directed our attention to these questions, as well as to 
the historically important one of Greek presence in 
Etruria. Besides, it is a delightful piece of art, embody¬ 


In addition to the current abbreviations of the names of 
archaeological journals, I shall use the following: Andr6n = A. 
Andr6n, Architectural terracottas from Etrusco-Italic Tem¬ 
ples (Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae, 4°, 6), Lund and 
Leipzig 1940; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano=R. Bianchi 
Bandinelli & A. Giuliano, Etruschi e Italichi prima del 
dominio di Roma , Milan 1973; Bianchi Bandinelli & Pari- 
beni= R. Bianchi Bandinelli & E. Paribeni, L’Arte dell’Anti- 
chitd Classica. Grecia, Turin 1976; Bianchi Bandinelli & To- 
relli^R. Bianchi Bandinelli & M. Torelli, L’Arte delTAnti - 
chita Classica. Etruria. Roma , Turin 1976; Cristofani= M. 
Cristofani, L’Arte degli Etruschi. Produzione e consumo , Tu¬ 
rin 1978; Sprenger & Bartoloni = M. Sprenger & G. Barto- 
loni, Die Etrusker. Kunst und Geschichte , Munich 1977. 

1 MM 1976:9. Acquired in 1976 from a Swiss dealer. Depos¬ 
ited in the museum by the Royal Academy of Letters, History 
and Antiquities. 

2 The drawings of Figs. 3-4 are profile drawings, not sections; 
the latter would have been preferable but could not be 
realized on account of the way in which the antefix is actually 
accommodated in the exhibition. 

3 See the list of abbreviations preceding the notes. 

4 Andr6n, PI. 6 and PI. 9. 

5 A second antefix, also damaged, from Pyrgi (lnv.No. 51272) 
is apparently regarded by its publisher as belonging to the 
type under discussion here: cf. F. Melis, I materiali architet- 
tonici di attribuzione incerta. Le terrecotte di copertura e di 
rivestimento. 1. “Prima fase”, in Pyrgi (NSc ,. 11 Suppl. al 
vol. 24, 1970), pp. 648-649 with Fig. 493 ( en face view, black- 
and-white, bad quality). It is again difficult to decide from the 
picture, but two details of the description make me doubtful 
about the identification: “... l’orecchio, ben modellato in 
rilievo molto basso”, and “non e chiaro se sul lobo fosse 
dipinto un orecchino” (the latter implying a sculpturally less 
emphasized, ear ornament than in the present case; for ear¬ 
rings represented in the main by painting, see Andr6n, PI. 
6:13, 16). 

I wish to thank Francesca Melis for a good reproduction in 
a larger size of the antefix in question, as well as for sup¬ 
plementary information regarding it and no. 4 in my list. In her 
letter to me of June 1980, she announces a forthcoming {NSc) 
correction of her 1970 text regarding the eyelids of Pyrgi 
Inv.No. 51272; they are modelled and not only painted. This 
tends to confirm my own impression that the antefix is of a 
type distinct from the present one. 

An antefix in Leipzig referred to by Melis in connection 


ing something of the spirit of ancient Caere—a prosper¬ 
ous city which strove to be as elegant as any of the 
great centres around the Mediterranean. 


with her Pyrgi piece (E. Paul. Ant ike Welt in Ton. Griechische 
und romische Terrakotten des archdologischen Institutes in 
Leipzig , Leipzig 1959, Taf. 93, Abb. 366) seems to be different 
both from Pyrgi 51272 and the Stockholm antefix; it may 
rather represent Andr6n’s type 1:4 d (Andr6n, PI. 6:16). the 
rest of her comparanda are incorporated in my catalogue. See 
also infra, n. 10. 

* Further specimens may exist, especially on the art market. 

7 It should be noted that Riis {see supra under no. 1 in my list), 
basing his opinion on the Cerveteri museum antefix, rec¬ 
ognized the present type as an independent one; he did not, 
however, refer the Paris piece to it. Mengarelli in fact also 
treated the Cerveteri piece as representing a type of its own, 
as appears from the less formal list of antefix types which he 
drew up {StEtr 10, 1936, pp. 74-78). 

8 Cf. supra , n. 1. 

9 Mengarelli, StEtr 10, 1936, p. 76; Pennock, ArchCl 6, 1954, 

p. 12. 

10 The Pyrgi antefix could not be ascribed to a specific build¬ 
ing (cf. the literature cited under no. 4 in my list). The two 
well-known, large temples at the site in any case are too late 
for it. At Ceri, unlike Pyrgi, no architectural remains, except 
the well, have as yet been discovered. It has been suggested 
that the well was part of a sancturary (F. Roncalli, Le lastre 
dipinte da Cerveteri , Florence 1965, p. 101; Sprenger & 
Bartoloni, p. 106). 

To Pyrgi and Ceri, we may eventually have to add the 
sanctuary site of Montetosto, on the road between Cerveteri 
and Pyrgi (still in the main unpublished; for a preliminary 
report, see G. Colonna, Un nuovo santuario dell’agro Cere- 
tano, StEtr 31, 1963, pp. 135-147). The reference to antefixes 
of the present type found there appears in the text of F. Melis 
indicated above in note 5. 

n Andrtn, pp. 20-22 (1:4a-e, 600-550 B.C.) and pp. 31-35 
(11:1 la-c, 550-500 B.C.). 

12 In one case, a change of the relative order of the antefix 
types is recommendable; see infra , n. 43. 

,3 Andren, p. 22 and PI. 6:15-16. 

14 More precisely one may suggest a slightly later place for 
I:4d in relation to the present type and 1:4c. In 1:4 d t the 
archaic resilience shown by the two latter is subtly being 
undermined. 

15 Andren, pp. 20-21 and PI. 6:13; p. 32 and PI. 9:28. 

18 An absolute date determined in this way, though logically 
irreproachable, may, of course, be factually wrong, as the 
“development” could have proceeded—and quite likely did 
proceed—at an uneven speed; however, when we attempt to 
measure it, the instruments fail us. 


69 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



17 A date before or around 575 B.C. would place 1:4a along¬ 
side the evidently more archaic, female-head antefix from 
Veii, unanimously dated in the early sixth century; see, e.g., 
Bianchi Bandinelli & Torelli, A.E., no. 46 (“inizi del VI 
secolo a. C.”); Bianchi Bandinelli A Giuliano, p. 157, caption 
to Fig. 182 (“c. 575”). Cf. also the date of around 550 B.C. 
lately assigned to type 1:4a; Bianchi Bandinelli & Torelli, 

A. E., no. 77. 

18 The degree of elaboration and finesse shown by this antefix 
hardly allows of an earlier date, if one follows conventional 
dating. As has been noted, the antefix type comes very close 
to the head of a figurative akroterion from Cerveteri now in 
Berlin (winged goddess holding a boy in her arms). The date 
assigned by Torelli to the latter is 530 B.C. (Bianchi Bandinelli 
& Torelli, A.E., no. 76) and by Cristofani 530-520 B.C. 
(Cristofani, caption to III. 64). 

18 A similar date for type 1:4 d (550-530 B.C.) was given by 
Gjerstad in connection with a fragment found in Rome (E. 
Gjerstad, Early Rome IV :2 (Acta Instituti Romani Regni 
Sueciae, ser. in 4°, 17:4), Lund 1966, p. 571). 

20 Pennock, ArchCl 6, 1954, p. 15. This dating was followed in 
a recent study: N. Winter, Archaic Architectural Terracottas 
decorated with Human Heads, RomMitt 85, 1978, p. 41, with 
n. 36: 500-480 B.C. (with no specific arguments). Winter’s 
dating compels the assumption (likewise on p. 41) that 
antefixes without frames continued to be produced at Caere at 
a time when frames were almost universal, a difficulty which 
is resolved by the earlier date. 

Mengarelli appears also to have favoured a fifth-century 
date, judging by the relative position of the Caeretan museum 
piece in his chronological list of antefixes from Vigna Par- 
rocchiale at Cerveteri, after an early classical antefix ( StEtr 
10, 1936, p. 76). 

Otherwise the dates are within the sixth century, though 
rather widely separated: Moretti, Cerveteri , p. 16, caption to 
Ill. 89: “prima metfc VI secolo a. C.” (without arguments); 
Foti, NSc 13, 1959, p. 183: “ultimo quarto del VI secolo av. 
Cr. (520-510)” (on the basis of an argued similarity in facial 
structure, said to be triangular, to an antefix from Satricum 
and to a mixed group of Caeretan antefixes found by 
Mengarelli at Cerveteri); Riis, Tyrrhenika , p. 10, no. 8: 510— 
500 B.C. (on basis of its being more developed than the 
preceding type on his chronological list (= II: 1 \a of Andr6n’s 
series), and comparing it with Kore No. 685 from the 
Acropolis; note that the date is not given explicitly but has 
been inferred (by Pennock, whom I follow) from the dates 
given for the preceding and the following items on the list). 

81 Pennock, ArchCl 6, 1954, p. 14. 

22 The antefixes placed by Andrdn in his first period (600-550 

B. C.) all lack a diadem (cf. Andrtn, p. CXXXVII). 

23 This feature is described by Andr6n as an archaic trait (p. 
CLXII); his cited examples all date from the sixth century. 
When the feature is seen in an antefix dating from the early 
fifth century (Caere type 111:5, PI. 18:54), Andr6n remarks (p. 
48) that it belongs to the typologically early traits connecting 

70 


this rather odd-looking antefix with those dated in the first 
part of the preceding century. 

14 Kore No. 684. H. Payne & G. M. Young, Archaic Marble 
Sculpture from the Akropolis , London 1936, pp. 38-39, Pis. 
79-80; G. M. Richter, Korai. Archaic Greek Maidens , 
London 1968, p. 101, Figs. 578-582. 

25 Pennock, ArchCl 6, 1954, pp. 15-16. 

26 The best photographic assemblage is still that of Payne A 
Young (supra, n. 24). Admittedly, the characterization applies 
to stone sculpture, in which different conventions and styles 
may have been followed. Any such discrepancies between the 
two media are, however, not easily discerned when archaic 
terracotta sculpture is a scantily preserved as it is in Attica 
(and Ionia as well). 

27 Numerous pictures (of varying quality) of eastem-Greek, 
archaic sculpture have been conveniently gathered together in 
a couple of recent handbooks: Bianchi Bandinelli A Paribeni, 
nos. 145-149, 156, 160, 168-169, 173-176, 178, 185-186 and 
196-197; J. Boardman, Greek Sculpture. The Archaic Period , 
London 1978, Ills. 81-97 and 216-221. 

28 Winter (supra, n. 20) places seven antefix types from Sicily 
and southern Italy in the period 560-530 B.C. (pp. 35-38, Pis. 
12:1, 12:2, 13:1, 13:2, 14:3 and 14:4). This chronology may, 
however, be somewhat too early. 

28 Vase-painting. The master of the so-called Caeretan 
hydriae was an eastern Greek, as is demonstrated by extant 
inscriptions in Ionian Greek. His workshop was verisimilarly 
at Caere. The thirty-odd vases which he and his apprentices 
issued may be dated within the third and earliest part of the 
last quarter of the sixth century. J. M. Hemelrijk, De 
Caeretaanse Hydriae , Rotterdam 1956, is the basic study, 
together with V. Kallipolitis, Les Hydries de Caere. Essai de 
classification, AntCl 24, 1955, pp. 384-411. For good intro¬ 
ductions, see Bianchi Bandinelli & Torelli, A.E., no. 99; 
Bianchi Bandinelli & Paribeni, no. 193; Sprenger & Bartoloni, 
p. 103 (Taf. 70). 

The so-called Pontic vases, possibly produced at Vulci and 
datable between c. 560 and 530 B.C., have been considered by 
many as products of another Ionian workshop in Etruria (cf. 
Bianchi Bandinelli & Torelli, A.E., no. 98; Sprenger A Barto¬ 
loni, p. 104 (Taf. 72)). Note, however, that L. Hannestad, the 
author of two recent monographs on the rather large material 
(The Paris Painter. An Etruscan Vase-painter , Copenhagen 
1974, and The Followers of the Paris Painter , Copenhagen 
1976) does not believe that the workmanship is Greek (as 
appears from the title of her first book). 

A few other, more restricted, vase groups are commonly 
held to be the works of resident Greeks. These are the so-cal¬ 
led Campana Group, a prime example of which is the so-cal¬ 
led Ricci hydria in the Villa Giulia museum in Rome (Bianchi 
Bandinelli A Paribeni, no. 192) and the so-called Northamp¬ 
ton Group. See F. Villard, Deux dinoi d’un peintre ionien au 
Louvre, MonPiot 43, 1948, pp. 33-57; R. M. Cook, A List of 
Clazomenian Pottery, BSA 47, 1952, pp. 123-152; R. M. Cook 
A J. M. Hemelrijk, A Hydria of the Campana Group in Bonn, 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 5, 1963, pp. 107-120. 

Wall-painting. The participation of Greeks has been 
suspected on stylistic grounds by several scholars. Of possi¬ 
ble relevance are the colour pigments recently excavated at 
Gravisca, one of the ports of ancient Tarquinia, in connection 
with a settlement bearing a strong Greek stamp ( NSc, ser. 8, 
25, 1971, pp. 238 and 299). The find may indicate not only the 
source of the painting materials used in wall decoration but 
also the Greek nationality of some of the decorators. Furth¬ 
ermore, the links between certain wall-paintings and certain 
Greek classes of vases produced inside or outside Etruria are 
gradually being illuminated. Lately, the similarities between 
sixth-century wall-painting in Etruria and the contemporane¬ 
ous paintings, evidently executed by Greeks, to be seen on 
some walls of houses and tombs in Phrygia and Lycia in Asia 
Minor have been pointed out, and the above-mentioned vase- 
paintings have begun to be considered in connection with both 
manifestations (Cristofani, pp. 84-91). 

Architectural terracotta. Within this sphere, the presence 
of Greek hands has been suggested only very recently (apart 
from the much earlier claims by Furtwangler and others, for 
which see Andr6n, p. CXLIX with n. 4). Torelli suspects that 
a Greek may have been responsible for the painted pattern on 
a lateral sima from Gravisca (M. Torelli, Terrecotte architet- 
toniche arcaiche da Gravisca e una nota a Plinio, NH XXXV, 
151-52, Nuovi quaderni dell’Is tit uto di archeologia dell’Uni- 
versita di Perugia 1,1979 (Studi in onore di F. Magi), p. 308 (I 
am indebted to Charlotte Scheffer for the reference to this 
article.) A rather different case is that of the akroterial group 
of Athena and Herakles from the Forum Boarium in Rome. 
Here the argument is based not only on the style and quality 
of the work, but also on a lamp of distinctly Greek type made 
from the same terracotta as the architectural group and found 
in the same archaeological context; perhaps this is an indica¬ 
tion of Greek authorship for the sculpture (A. Sommella 
Mura, “L’introduzione di Eracle alFOlimpo” in un gruppo 
arcaico in terracotta dall’area sacra di S. Omobono: note su 
una bottega coroplastica a Roma nella 2a met& del VI sec. 
a.C., Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma 24, 1977, pp. 
3-15). 

Admittedly, there is for the moment a certain enthusiasm 
for discovering Greeks behind (unsigned) works of art pro¬ 
duced in Etruria; it may be contrasted with the stressing of the 
Italic character of Etruscan art often met with in earlier re¬ 
search (in Italy especially in the period between the two world 
wars). In the future, we shall probably see more of the former 
trend, and justifiably so, if evidence of resident Greeks, such 
as that at Gravisca, is repeated at other Etruscan sites, con¬ 
firming the impression given by the visual arts of a wholesale 
Greek permeation of the Etruscan culture. 

Even without additional discoveries, Cerveteri merits at 
least a secondary place along-side Gravisca, as far as inscrip- 
tional evidence goes; I am referring to the find made by 
Mengarelli at Cerveteri of a cache of smashed pottery in¬ 
scribed in Greek with the name of Hera ( StEtr 10, 1936, pp. 


84-86). On this ground, Mengarelli postulated as early as 1936 
a temple on the akropolis of the city to the Greek goddess, as 
well as Greek devotees. By the way, this is the temple with 
which he associated the antefix of the present type found by 
himself (no. 1 on my list); it derives from the same 
archaeological context as the inscribed sherds, though these 
are appreciably later (fourth to third century B.C.). 

90 M. Moretti, Nuovi monumenti della pittura etrusca , Milan 
1966, p. 25; Sprenger A Bartoloni, Taf. 93. 

91 Andrdn, PI. 7:20; Roncalli (supra, n. 10), Tav. IX; Cristo¬ 
fani, III. 45. 

99 Note, however, Mengarelli’s observation of 1936 with re¬ 
spect to the Cerveteri museum piece: “pomelli marcati e 
lievemente tinti di rosa” (StEtr 10, 1936, p. 76). 

99 This kind of mouth may be called the petal-lipped mouth in 
conformity to Italian labbra "a petali ", an expression chosen 
for the similarity of the lips, as seen in profile, to two petals; 
cf. Ricci Portoghesi, ArchCl 18, 1966, p. 21 (supra, under no. 
5 on my list). The petal-lipped mouth is a distinctive mark of 
the painted faces to be seen in a closely linked group of 
Etruscan wall-paintings: those of the Tomba degli Auguri, 
Tomba delle Leonesse and Tomba dei Giocolieri at Tarquinia, 
as well as those of the cited plaque in Berlin and the plaque 
showing a warrior from Ceri (for the Ceri plaque, see Ricci 
Portoghesi, ArchCl 18, 1966, pp. 16-22; Roncalli (supra, n. 
10), pp. 101-102 and Tav. XXIX; Sprenger A Bartoloni, p. 
106, Abb. 27; note, by the way, that an antefix of the present 
type was found in the same well deposit as a number of 
fragments belonging to the Ceri plaque: Ricci Portoghesi, p. 
16). The mouth seems to represent an artistic fashion limited 
to southern, coastal Etruria and of short duration. The Stock¬ 
holm antefix, as far as I know, is the first, commented exam¬ 
ple in three-dimensional art. 

94 The petite woman balancing a candelabrum on her head 
(Moretti (supra, n. 30), p. 29 and dust jacket; Sprenger A 
Bartoloni, Taf. 92). This figure likewise has a red circle on the 
cheek. A similarity of profile to certain male faces, especially 
in the Tomba degli Auguri, is also demonstrable; see, for 
example Cristofani, Ill. 41 (the judge of the contest). 

95 Sprenger A Bartoloni, Taf. 72 and p. 104. 

96 For the wall-paintings, see especially Cristofani, pp. 88-90. 
For the Caeretan hydriae and the Pontic vases, see supra, n. 
29 with references. All the dates fall within the period 550-520 
B.C. (The date of 510-490 given by Bianchi Bandinelli & 
Guiliano to the Tomba dei Giocolieri (p. 131, caption to Ill. 
151 on the opposite page) is surely too late; cf. supra , n. 33 
and Cristofani, p. 88). 

37 “Etruscanized Ionian" is used here in the same sense as 
‘‘greco etruschizzato” of a Greek who had settled in Etruria 
(cf. C. Ampolo, Demarato. Osservazioni sulla mobility sociale 
arcaica, DialAr 9-10, 1976-77, p. 338). I have chosen the term 
in conscious contrast to “Ionicizing/ionisierend/ionisant/ 
ionizzante’’, which is used passim in Etruscological literature 
for adherence in general to eastern Greek patterns or tradi¬ 
tions. 


71 


Digitized by LjOOOLe 



38 Pliny, NH XXXV, 157; cf. also EAA, j.v. Vulca (Pallot- 
tino). For gopd pictures of the Veii sculptures, see, for exam¬ 
ple, Sprenger & Bartoloni, Taf. 117-125. Cf. also supra, n. 29. 
It would be equally erroneous not to allow for any Greeks 
being involved in the production of Etruscan architectural 
terracotta as to ascribe the major part of it to them. 

39 The question is not quite clear. According to Pliny, NH 
XXXV, 151, the antefix type with a human head was invented 
by a Greek from Sikyon by the name of Boutades working at 
Corinth. Winter (supra, n. 20) prefers to think that the idea of 
applying the sculptured human head to architectural ter¬ 
racotta originated in Italy and spread from there to Greece. 
The latter thesis may be based on the striking paucity of 
preserved antefixes of this kind in Greece proper (none from 
Corinth itself), as compared with the multitude in Italy (in¬ 
cluding the Greek areas of Southern Italy and Sicily). Winter 
adds the argument that the earliest Italian examples (Murlo 
and Taranto) pre-date the earliest Greek ones (Kalydon, 
Thermon, Korfu). The date of c. 650 B.C. for the Italian 
beginning may, however, be set a bit too high. The safest 
stratigraphical date of the Murlo pieces (Winter, Taf. 8:1-2) is 
not earlier than c. 620 B.C. (on this point, see my forthcoming 
dissertation on the early akroteria from Acquarossa and 
Murlo-Poggio Civitate), and the Taranto piece (Winter, Taf. 
9:1), for which no stratigraphical date is available, is, I think, 
hardly earlier, in spite of its primitive appearance. 

If, unlike Winter, one views the early history of the use of 
the human head antefix as developing along more than one 
line, one gets a picture, in which Boutades at Corinth, as well 
as any early Greek usage (Late Daedalic Crete should be 
added to Winter’s early Greek sites: see S. Alexiou, N. Platon 
and H. Guanella, Das antike Kreta , Wurzburg 1967, Taf. 227, 
and Dddalische Kunst auf Kreta im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr ., 
Mainz am Rhein 1970, Taf. 45), may be accomodated along¬ 
side possibly indigenous Italian initiatives. 

40 Cf. Torelli (supra, n. 29), p. 312. 

41 On these slabs (in fact, a kind of architectural terracotta), 
see the book by Roncalli (supra, n. 10). Of relevance is also 
another kind of painted plaque in evidence at Cerveteri; with 
its cavetto moulding, it is typologically closer to the mould- 
made frieze plaque, except that the decoration on the part of 
the plaqrfe below the cavetto is in paint, not in relief (F. Melis, 
in Gli Etruschi. Nuove ricerche e scoperte , Viterbo 1972, pp. 
96-97, Tav. XXVIII:6). 

The combination of painted plaques and architectural sculp¬ 
ture in the decoration of a single building seems plausible on 
account of the finds at Vigna Parrocchiale at Cerveteri 
(Mengarelli, StEtr 10, 1936, pp. 80-81 and 74-77) and 
Quartaccio di Ceri (Ricci Portoghesi, ArchCl 18, 1966, p. 16). 

42 Pliny, NH XXV, 154. Whether Damophilos and Gorgasos 
really divided the work on the temple in this way is of minor 
significance to us, compared with the double competence of 
each. 

43 Note, however, that Andr6n’s type 1:46 (PI. 6:14), being 
subdaedalic and thus stylistically earlier than Ionian 1 :4a, is to 

72 


be placed before, not after, the latter, and is therefore not 
included here (cf. the following note). 

44 For series of female-head antefixes, see Andr6n, Pis. 6 and 
9 (with the exception of PI. 6:14/type 1:46, on which see the 
preceding note). For the Berlin akroterion, cf. supra , n. 18. 
“Sarcofago degli Sposi” in Rome: Bianchi Bandinelli & To* 
relli, A.E., no. 78; Sprenger & Bartoloni, Taf. 114-115. 

Among the antefixes, the least plastic examples are 
Andrdn’s types 1:4 a and 1:4c and the type of the one under 
discussion; these may signify the moment of closest “cohabi¬ 
tation” between terracotta sculpture and wall-painting at 
Cerveteri, perhaps coincidental with the arrival in Etruria of 
refugee artists (painters in particular?) from northern Ionia 
(for the migration of the Phocaeans c. 545 B.C., see Hdt. I, 
164-66). Note the break that these early antefixes make with 
respect to the preceding subdaedalic type 1:46, which has a 
very perceptible sculptural impact (face and hair showing 
fully rounded forms, ears with plastic interiors, plastic rims 
around the eyes, etc.). 

The Berlin akroterion (to which I hope to return in a later 
study) shows an interesting and too little noted fusion of 
sculpture and painting: while the folds of the mantle stand out 
in slight relief in front of the body, those of the chiton are 
merely painted on the flat space behind the legs, the change 
being, however, so subtle as to seem one of degree rather than 
of kind. The basic kinship in the treatment of the drapery 
between the Berlin akroterion and the “Sarcofago degli 
Sposi” becomes clear when one realizes that the delicate 
folds of the wife’s garment in the latter might, for effect, have 
been represented nearly as well by painting. 

45 As long as no relevant terracotta sculpture turns up in Ionia 
proper (especially its northern part), I think the problem of the 
rather specific, early sculptural style in terracotta at Cerveteri 
may be approached as suggested, by way of hypothesis. 

What is most needed for the moment, if any advances are to 
be made at all, is probably a fresh survey and analysis of the 
sculptural works that may be connected with this city, includ¬ 
ing the unduly neglected, human-head antefixes; lacking this, 
the new handbooks (like O. J. Brendel, Etruscan Art, 
Harmondsworth 1978; for the sixth-century terracotta sculp¬ 
ture from Cerveteri, see pp. 229-234) will not be able to add 
very much to the older ones. The only, modem, large-scale 
attempt to define the Caeretan sculptural style (both archaic 
and classical) was made by Riis in 1941, within the framework 
of a study of the entire Etruscan sculpture (see supra, under 
no. 1 on my list); today this work is, however, badly out of 
date and in need of revision. 

46 Most recently Cristofani—whose particular interest in the 
aspects of art production is revealed by the very title of his 
book (see the list of abbreviations preceding the notes),—and 
Torelli (supra, n. 29). The recent publication of the Pyrgi 
material and the forthcoming one of the Acquarossa and Pog- 
gio Civitate terracottas will no doubt prove very stimulating to 
further research. 


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The Swedish Carthage Excavations 


Preliminary Report of the Second Campaign, September-October 1979 
edited by Bengt Peterson 


Introduction 
Bengt Peterson 

Although the second campaign in Carthage was plan¬ 
ned for 1980, circumstances made it necessary to con¬ 
tinue the excavations on site A already during the fall 
of 1979. The main reason was the landowner’s urging 
his right to immediately dispose of the ground for 
building purposes, although the Swedish-Tunisian 
agreement assumed that the ground would be available 
for excavations from 1979 to 1981. After negotiations in 
the summer of 1979 and at the beginning of the 
campaign, it was clear that the ground would be free 
for excavations until November 1st, 1979. No answer 
could be given as to whether the Tunisian authorities 
were willing to support a prolongation of the work if 
the excavations proved to yield outstanding results. As 
regarded the question of preservation if important re¬ 
mains were found, the authorities gave a negative an¬ 
swer, as the site was situated in a building zone of 
urban Carthage. Thus, at the beginning of the 
campaign, the Swedish team was in a situation of acute 
salvage archaeology, having to document the site as 
fully as possible in a given period of time. This also 
implied that no preservation of uncovered remains in 
situ was envisaged. 

The campaign started on September 3rd and was to 
last until November 4th. Work was resumed on site A 
exclusively. From the beginning, it was evident that no 
positive progress could be achieved without the help of 
a mechanical excavator and a bulldozer as the remains 
discovered during the first campaign were buried so 
deeply below the surface. The decision was taken to 
uncover as much as possible of the site within the walls 
of the architectural structure discovered. The main 


problem was to stop this uncovering at a suitable mo¬ 
ment, so that enough time would be left during the 
campaign to document the area uncovered. However, 
during this exploration of the site, the remains were 
considered so valuable that it was thought necessary to 
make the uncovering as extensive as possible. At this 
point the team was reinforced by two architects, in 
order to guarantee the complete documentation of the 
structures. 

During the first month, it was already evident that 
the structures were of a complex nature and that the 
architectural details were of a unique character. The 
questions of prolonging the availability of the site and 
also of the eventual preservation of the remains were 
discussed with the Tunisian authorities. A positive 
agreement could be reached only a few days before the 
end of the campaign. The result was that the avail¬ 
ability of the site for a third campaign was guaranteed 
and prospects were held out of the possible preserva¬ 
tion of the remains or parts of them. During the un¬ 
certainties of these working conditions during the 
whole of the campaign, full responsibility was taken for 
safeguarding the documentation of the site and due 
respect was shown in view of the possible preserva¬ 
tion. Only one accident—torrential rain on one day, 
which destroyed a small part of the architectural re¬ 
mains—did any damage to the monument. 

This second Swedish campaign in Carthage took 
place under the direction of Dr Bengt Peterson, Stock¬ 
holm. Miss Birgitta Sander, Stockholm, acted as Field 
Director, Miss Catherine Gemer, Copenhagen, as 
Architect, Dr Beate George, Stockholm, as Find 
Supervisor, Mrs Marie-Louise Blennow, Stockholm, 
as Pottery Supervisor. Mr Claus Gronne and Mr Steen 
Jensen, both of Copenhagen, were engaged as field 
archaeologists, both of them for part of the season 

73 


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only. Photographer was Mr Per-Olof Bohlin, Uppsala. 
The architects appointed especially for the completion 
of the documentation were Mr Giuseppe Tilia, Rome, 
and Mr Kjell-Aage Nilson, Malmo. A short appoint¬ 
ment for a special survey at the end of the campaign 
was accepted by Dr Gunther Stanzl, Vienna. 

The work of the expedition was greatly facilitated by 
the efforts of the Swedish Embassy at Tunis, whose 
participation in its affairs and problems gave it strong 
and efficient support. The members of the expedition 
offer their sincere gratitude to the Ambassador, Carl- 
Henrik Nauckhoff, and his staff. By the intermediation 
of Professor Carl Nylander, Rome, the team could be 
reinforced by two architects. His advice and support 
during a short visit to Carthage stimulated progress in 
the work. Finally cordial thanks are due to the Tunisian 
Director-General of Antiquities Monsieur Azedine 
Beschaouch and to the Director of Antiquities at 
Carthage Monsieur Abdelmagid Ennabli and their 
staffs. 

Field Report 
Birgitta Sander 

The work of the 1979 autumn campaign (September 3 
to November 4th) was concentrated on uncovering the 
ruins in the western part of site A, situated on the 
northern side of the Byrsa Hill. The excavated area 
measured about 25 x 30 m (more exactly 720 m 2 ) and 
was an extension of what could be seen of the ruins 
revealed at the end of the spring campaign (see 
Medelhavsmuseet Bull. 14, p. 57). 

A co-ordinate system (N-S) connected with the 
“Systeme Lambert” was used (the first three figures 
represent the x co-ordinate and the following three the 
y co-ordinate). 

Following the system used in the previous campaign 
for the designation of the walls, even Roman numerals 
were given to the walls parallel to the decumanus and 
odd Roman numerals to walls parallel to the cardo and 
Arabic numerals to each fragment of the same wall. 
That means that each wall fragment is identified by a 
combination of Roman and Arabic numerals. 

The ruins could simply be described as the eastern 
part of a large building situated in the northern part of 
the insula bounded by cardo I E and decumanus I N. 
Of the north-eastern facade facing decumanus 1 N, 
nearly 27 m could be uncovered and, of the south-east¬ 

74 


ern facade cardo I E, c. 24 m. Both walls continued 
further, but the excavation area is limited to the N W by 
a modem villa and to the SW-S-SE by the steep slope 
of the Byrsa Hill. 

The building may have covered the whole insula , 
that is, from cardo maximus to cardo I E (120 Roman 
feet) and the length of the building from decumanus I N 
towards the decumanus maximus may have the same 
measurement, that is, forming a square or actus. The 
building complex consists of several rooms and other 
limited spaces, each of them designated by a letter 
combination AA, AB, AC, etc. and in the autumn 
campaign ending with BD. Several cisterns were found 
and these were designated Cl, C2, C3, etc. (see plan p. 
83). 

A stone filling and yellow sand, referred to as layer 
3, covered the building complex completely down to 
floor level. The thickness of the filling measured up to 3 
m. The stones measured in general 0.05-0.3 m and 
were intermingled with blocks mainly of sandstone and 
of different sizes. 

The blocks appeared irregularly in almost every 
room, but the major part and also the biggest were 
found in the southern part of the excavated area. These 
blocks, in all probability, originated from destroyed 
walls, some of them having traces of plaster (even 
painted plaster) or being worked in other ways. A good 
many architectural fragments appeared in layer 3, such 
as a column of granite, two fragmentary columns of 
marble, three small basins cut out of limestone and a 
great many fragments of capitals and friezes of marble. 

The majority of these architectural fragments are 
probably not connected with the excavated building 
but have been washed down with the rest of the stone 
filling from the Byrsa Hill. This also applies to the 
pottery, small finds and coins found in layer 3 (see Find 
report and Pottery report). 

The greater part of layer 3 was removed with the aid 
of machinery; this was justified by the extent and 
thickness of the layer and the knowledge of the 
approximate level of the walls. This procedure was, of 
course, very efficient. Nearly the whole building com¬ 
plex and even the area alongside both facades on the 
decumanus and cardo were cleared of filling. That 
meant that during this campaign layers directly con¬ 
nected with the building were excavated only to a small 
extent. Facing the decumanus 9 i.e. the northern part of 
the building, several rooms with different functions 
were situated. The southern part consisted mainly of a 
yard, fragmentarily paved with flagstones. Within the 


Digitized by v^.ooQLe 




The progress of the excavation. (Sketch by C. Gemer). 

building complex, five cisterns and what was appar¬ 
ently a well were discovered during the second 
campaign. Several channels for fresh water, leading to 
the different cisterns, were found, especially in the 
yard area, as well as two drains with forks leading to 
the street drains of the cardo and decumanus . 

The walls were constructed in the typical opus 
africanum technique. The corner facing cardolde¬ 
cumanus has been robbed and was, in all probability, 
made of big sandstone blocks. Even the big sandstone 
blocks in the facade wall facing the cardo have been 
robbed to floor level, but in the facade wall towards the 

75 


decumanus one can still see a good many blocks in 
position up to c. 1.5 m above the approximate street 
level. The preserved height of the fagade measures up 
to c. 2.6 m in the cardo fagade and up to c. 3 m in the 
decumanus facade. 

Two entrances are situated towards the cardo. The 
smaller one (c. 1 m wide) is situated nearly 10 m from 
the corner and leads into a room (AB) paved with a 
mosaic showing plant and animal motifs. Three and a 
half metres further south is the bigger entrance or gate¬ 
way (c. 3.4 m wide), which leads into the open yard 
area. There is also an entrance (c. 1 m wide) leading 


Digitized by v^ooQle 




The north-eastern part of the building with mosaic AB in the foreground and room AA in the background. View from the SE. 
(Photograph by P-O. Bohlin). 


from the decumanus directly into the biggest and most 
luxurious room (AA). A stair with three steps leads 
from street level up to the north-western corner of the 
room. On comparing these entrances, the one situated 
towards the decumanus gives the impression of having 
been constructed later than the other two. The big 
corner room (AA) (6.4 x 6.8 m) was paved with marble, 
of which fragments can be seen along the walls or else 
negative prints covering the whole floor, except for 
robbed areas. The walls were plastered and painted. 
On the wall fragments towards the cardo , one can still 
see a horizontal, red line on the white plaster. 

Almost exactly in the middle of the room is a small 
pool (AG) (c. 1.7 x 1.7 m and 0.65 m deep) surrounded 
by a 0.65-m-high wall. Pieces of marble on top of the 
surrounding wall indicate that it was covered with mar¬ 
ble. The outside was plastered and, on the inside, frag¬ 
ments of figural mosaics can be seen (on the western 
wall, fragments of a mosaic showing three naked wo¬ 

76 


men). Alongside the interior of the pool is a shelf, 
which corresponds to floor level. It has a fragmentary 
marble cover. From the shelf and down to the robbed 
marble-covered bottom, the walls are covered with 
non-figurative mosaics. The corners of the surrounding 
wall are all incomplete, which suggests that there may 
have been a column at each corner (to support the 
roof). 

A doorway in the western wall of room AA leads to a 
space almost equal in size to room AA. This space is 
not a coherent room but is divided into four small baths 
(AE, AN, AR) and a hypocaust system (AK, AM, AI). 

The floors of the rooms AK and AM are totally 
destroyed and one has a good view of the pillars or 
traces of pillars of the hypocaust. The complete pillars 
are 0.8 m high and are mainly made of tiles (c. 0.2 x 0.2 
m) laid on top of each other. (In room AK, the pillars 
along the walls are made of a combination of cut sand¬ 
stone and tiles.) In room AM, the pillars are very 


Digitized by v^ooQle 



fragmentary, but traces on the floor of the hypocaust 
show a regular pattern of five rows with five pillars in 
each row. Through the wall that separates room AK 
from room AM, there is a connection consisting of two 
openings (c. 0.3 x 0.4 m). On top of the same wall, 
almost in the middle, is a large limestone flag 
(threshold), which indicates both the floor level and the 
dividing of the rooms. In room AK, all the walls have 
been affected by fire and in the northern wall, i.e. the 
facade towards the decumanus , are two openings (c. 
0.3 x 0.4 m) leading directly out into the street. This is 
the place where the hypocaust was heated. 


Room AI is difficult to interpret and at the present 
stage its function is not clear. It communicates with 
room AM by two ducts (c. 0.3 m wide), probably for 
hot air, running under the two almost equal baths AN 
and AR (c. 1.4 x 1 m). Right under these baths are 
hypocaust pillars and in the western wall of bath AN 
and the eastern wall of AR are two vertical and rectan¬ 
gular ducts or chimneys. The baths AN and AR are 
very fragmentary but are clearly distinguished by the 
typical rounded corners and the rounded moulding or 
torus, which forms an intermediate link between the 
floor and the walls. All that remains of the marble-cov- 


The small pool AG in room A A. View from the N. (Photograph by P-O. Bohlin). 







The vaulted unit AS in the background and the hypocaust systems AM and AK in the foreground. View from the E. 
(Photograph by P-O. Bohlin). 


ered floor is some small pieces in the comers. 

This also applies to the baths AE, though these are 
not as fragmentary as AN and AR. At first, AE was 
considered to be just one bath, but two drains in the 
northern wall and some marks on the bottom indicate 
that it was divided into two baths. The two small drains 
open out into a larger drain situated north of unit AE. 
This drain was once covered, but the cover or floor has 
now been robbed and on the northern wall of the drain 
one can see large fragments of a non-figurative mosaic. 
This mosaic shows that this part was not always cov¬ 
ered, and also the walls around indicate different stages 
of construction. Down to floor level, the filling of the 
area containing the hypocaust and the baths was the 
same as in the rest of the building complex. In AK, AM 
and AI, the filling from floor level and down to the floor 
of the hypocaust (c. 0.6 m) was soot-coloured and 
intermingled with pieces of charcoal. 

The following limited space towards the west (AS) is 

78 


of the same length as the rooms described (c. 6.8 m); 
the width is 2.6 m. It was vaulted and roofed, rising c. 
1.8 m above floor level. There were three arches on the 
eastern and western sides respectively and one on the 
southern side. In the northern wall, i.e. the fagade 
facing the decumanus , there is an opening or window 
(c. 0.7 x 0.8 m). The roof, which follows the curve of 
the arches, had different sorts of cover on top of each 
other. The most striking one was a mosaic of large 
white tesserae. Along the edges of the mosaic was a 
rounded moulding or torus of a similar sort to those in 
the baths described. The mosaic and the rounded 
moulding were later totally covered by a 0.1-m-thick 
layer of mortar intermingled with stones. The vaulted 
complex was completely filled with yellow sand and 
stones of the same character as the rest of the ruins 
(layer 3). Only half of the filling was cleared out of AS 
during the second campaign. At the present stage, its 
function is unclear, and any interpretation must be 


Digitized by v^ooQle 


postponed until further excavation has been carried filling in these three units, but c. 0.1 m from the floor 
out. level the filling changed. This layer was greyish and 

The space west of AS (c. 6.8 x 3.2 m) can be divided soft and was intermingled with a good deal of pottery 

into four parts (AV, AQ,AX and AY). The one furthest and bones and also small pieces of charcoal, 

south consists of a geometrical mosaic (c. 3.2 x 1.1 m) Further west in this row of rooms or limited spaces 
with a pattern of circles and rhombs. Compared with with equal lengths is room AT (width c. 3.8 m), which 

the floor level of the rooms east of AS, the mosaic is also forms the north-western corner of the excavated 

situated c. 0.8 m higher. The three parts north of the area. During this campaign, only the sand and stone 

mosaic most of all resemble a hypocaust system. Hypo- filling referred to as layer 3 was removed from this 

caust pillars or traces of them can be seen regularly room, which means that nothing significant was re¬ 
placed on the floor. These pillars (c. 0.6 m high) are all vealed that could lead to an interpretation of the room, 

made of cut sandstone and only a few of them have The south-western corner of the excavated area con- 
been slightly affected by fire. The floor level of the sists of two rooms (AZ and BA) probably of almost 

presumed hypocaust is not the same in all three parts. equal size (c. 3.6 x 7.3 m). The significance of these 

Units AX and AQ have the same floor level, but in unit rooms lies in the fact that they were both constructed 

AV it is c. 0.6 m lower. Layer 3 also dominated the on top of the roof of two large cisterns (C4 and C5). 


Cardo I E. View from the S. (Photograph by P-O. Bohlin). 







View of site A from the SE. (Photograph by P-O. Bohlin). 


The exact limit of room BA will never be revealed, 
since the south-western corner of the room is situated 
so near the slope of the Byrsa Hill and right below a 
modern villa that further excavation would be danger¬ 
ous. In the south-eastern part of room BA is the rectan¬ 
gular opening (c. 1.5 x 0.6 m) to the cistern C4, sur¬ 
rounded by an extremly well-constructed wall (c. 1.15 
m high). The surrounding wall is covered by worked 
limestone flags. Three blocks, forming a stair, are 
placed in the corner formed by the northern part of the 
surrounding wall and the eastern wall of room BA. 
Layer 3 covers the whole room, and even the interior 
of the cistern is filled with the same material. Directly 
on the floor is a c. 0.1-m-thick, greyish layer, in¬ 
termingled with many small fragments of pottery, 
glass, bones and charcoal. This layer covers the whole 
floor, except for the north-eastern part, where the floor 
has been destroyed over an area measuring 1.4 x 1 m. 
Nearly the whole floor of room AZ has been destroyed, 
except for a small part furthest north. This part is 
covered by the same greyish layer as in room BA to a 
thickness of c. 0.1 m. The two cisterns (C4 and C5) 


right under these rooms seem to be of equal size and 
construction (c. 2.5 x 5.7 m). During this second 
campaign, these cisterns were excavated only so far as 
to establish that they were both constructed with four 
arches. 

A c. 2.5-m-wide “corridor” (BB) runs between 
BA-AZ, on the one hand, and AT-AY-AS, on the 
other. Only layer 3 was removed from this area, which 
revealed a fragmentary pavement of flags. East of this 
presumed “corridor” is the unit AP, which is appar¬ 
ently a well (c. 1.7 m diameter) but which was only 
emptied to a depth of 4 m during the second campaign. 
The “corridor” also leads out to the yard area (BC), 
which seems to measure c. 10.5 by 16.5 m. As layer 3 
could not be thoroughly cleared out of the yard area 
during this campaign, it can only be stated that the yard 
area was paved especially with limestone flags. It was 
also divided into different sections or parts, but the 
small wall fragments revealed up to now are not suffi¬ 
cient for any interpretation. A cistern (Cl) was found in 
the south-eastern part of the yard. It was only emptied 
so far as to enable the vaulted space to be measured (c. 


80 


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2.5 x 2.5 m). The opening (0.5 m diameter) was fitted 
with a border of worked limestone in one piece. From 
the inside of the cistern, one can see the ends of two 
small channels for fresh water in the northern part of 
the roof. 

Towards the end of the campaign, a sounding was 
made in the north-western corner of the yard (BC). 
Right under the pavement, a complicated system of 
different sorts of channels was found. An extension of 
the excavation in this area will be necessary before we 
can fully understand and interpret this system of chan¬ 
nels. The sounding was c. 0.5 m deep and the bottom 
consisted of orange-coloured, sandy clay. Was this 
untouched soil or just another filling? Further excava¬ 
tion will probably give the answer. North of the yard 
(BC) and between the unit AP in the west and the 
mosaic AB in the east are three small units designated 
AH, AD and AC. Below the floor level of them all runs 
the main drain (c. 0.6 m wide and c. 0.6 m deep). It 
continues under the mosaic (AB) and emerges in. the 
cardo. 

In an opening in the wall separating unit AC from 
room AA, the entrance to a cistern (C2) situated under 
room AA was found. It was not excavated, but it seems 
to be of the same construction as C1. A small opening 
in the northern wall revealed that a second cistern (C3) 
is situated just beside C2, which means right under the 
small pool (AG) in room A A. 

A small part of the cardo was uncovered during the 
campaign. In an area delimited by the corner of the 
building in the north and the small entrance in the 
south, a fragmentary pavement of mainly limestone 
flags was found. An edge towards the east formed by 
carefully laid stones marks a probable width of c. 3.8 
m. 

As a conclusion from the second campaign, it can be 
stated that the uncovered ruins all belong to the same 
building but are from different stages of construction. 
The above-described rooms and limited spaces facing 
the decumanus give the impression of being a bath of a 
smaller size. This bath is not as small as a private bath 
but not as big as a public one. The size suggests a bath 
made for a group of people (a club or an association). 

With regard to the uncovered mosaics and the finds, 
the building should be dated in the Late Roman/ 
Byzantine period. The aims of the third and last 
campaign should be to try to interpret the complicated 
system of channels and discover how the water supply 
functioned within the building and, if possible, to docu¬ 
ment the crossing of cardo I E and decumanus I N. 


Find Report 
Beate George 

The finds made during the second season were very 
much like those of the first campaign, except that the 
amount of some groups, as e.g. marble-sculpture frag¬ 
ments, was greater and the fragments were sometimes 
larger and of better quality. The disturbed character of 
the layers prevailed also throughout this season; only 
at the end of it there was reached a stratum with ob¬ 
jects which seem to belong to the uncovered structure. 
These finds are omitted here, as one more campaign is 
planned, and it seems more reasonable to present this 
special material together as a whole. 

As regards the bulk of the finds of the second season, 
too, it remains open, whether they belonged to the 
structure in which they were excavated. Although they 
cannot be connected with it with certainty, they throw 
light on the culture of Carthage during an important 
period. As regards the date, nearly all the objects seem 
to belong to the Late Roman-Early Byzantine epoch, 
with the exception perhaps of a few lamp fragments. 
The coins, when cleaned and identified, may change 
this picture. 

Metals 

49 items of metal were collected, mostly iron nails, 
single or in groups. Further, shapeless lumps of metal 
were found, and only a small number of objects is 
clearly recognizable, e.g. a bronze earring consisting of 
a big loop with a bell attached to it (2042); a small 
bronze bell (2567); a spindle whorl of bronze (2643). 

2567 



81 


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Coins 

186 numbers were registered, many of them several 
specimens—up to 19 (1969)—found together. Most of 
them are very small—the average diameter being 1 
cm—and in a bad state of preservation. They have 
been brought to Stockholm for cleaning and, if possi¬ 
ble, identification. 

Glass 

12 numbers are recorded, some of them including sev¬ 
eral fragments. Most of them belong to very small 
vessels, sometimes stemcups (2314, 2389). Also one 
handle was found (2270), an egg-shaped, pierced bead 
of white colour (1594) and a small stick (2535), perhaps 
used for cosmetic purposes. Ten tiny fragments were 
parts of a vessel with cut decoration (2005). 

The glass tesserae are mentioned in “Mosaics and 
tesserae” below. 

Bone artefacts 

Only two small bone rings (2002, 2181), 1.3 cm in 
diameter, turned up. 

Ceramics 

Vaulting tubes. They occurred in such large quantities 
that only the best-preserved specimens and those of 
special interest as regarded size (e.g. 2293) and colour 
were recorded. They amount to about 32 kg. Also some 
examples baked together and filled with mortar (2217) 
were saved. 

Lamps. 55 numbers are recorded, several of them com¬ 
prising more than one fragment. Most of them are very 
small pieces and belong to the Christian types made of 
red clay and dated in the 4th-6th centuries AD. The 
two finest fragments, though, form part of the discus of 
a Roman lamp (2948), showing a seated man playing a 
lute. 

Christian lamps of a different ware and colour are 
nos 2581 (2 fragments joined together) and 2752:2. In 
both cases, parts of the bottom, made of light, porous 
clay, are preserved with a stamped Greek cross in the 
centre on the outside. An incised herringbone pattern 
also occurs on the outside of the bottom of a red 
Christian lamp (2191:2). As decoration of the discus 
there are found a palm-tree (2215), a hardly identifiable 
animal (2152), a fish (2652) and most often a cross or 
the Christ monogram (1975:1, 2131, 2260, 2292, 2451, 
2690 resp 1893:1-4). 2152 and 2451 are the only nearly 
whole lamps. 



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1815:1 


The repertoire of rim decoration includes an animal 
in a circle (2824), a fish (1693:1), a bird and a palm tree 
(1815:1), a palm frond (2825) and a tree (2310:2), be¬ 
sides the more common features as e.g. concentric 
circles (1815:2; 1838:1; 1893:1-4; 2152; 2160; 2191:1; 
2215; 2260; 2292), rosettes (1893:1-4; 1975:7&9; 
2004:1; 2020; 2031:1, 3, 5; 2131; 2151; 2152; 2160; 
2191:1; 2215; 2292; 2306; 2310:1; 2364:2; 2407; 2451; 
2690 ; 2826:1,2), hearts (1841:1; 1975:10,11; 2031:1; 
2131; 2451; 2752:1), etc. 

The pre-Christian fragments are—apart from the 
above-mentioned discus 2948—all very insignificant, 
consisting mostly only of handles (pierced: 1622; 
1975:12; 2297:2; knob: 2031:6). They are too common 
to indicate any type or age they might belong to. 

One tiny rim fragment with part of the central hole 
made of light clay with black slip, otherwise apparently 
plain, may be of a Graeco-Hellenistic type (2486). 

Miscellaneous objects. Also during this season, the 
small, round, flat objects were encountered, but only 
five numbers, including nine specimens, were re¬ 
gistered. The diameter varied from 2.1 to 4.5 cm and 
the thickness from 0.8 to 1.4 cm. Their purpose is 
open; whether they served as lids, inlays or gaming- 
pieces cannot be decided. 

6-Bulietin IS 


The two most outstanding finds are a fragment of an 
apparently bird-shaped vessel with feather decoration 
in relief (1987: h. 6.1, w. 5.1, th. 2.1 cm) and a headless, 
hollow statuette of a woman seated in a chair with a 
small child on her lap (1960: h. 10.5, w. 4.9, th 3.6 cm). 
She is clad in a long, patterned garment. The very 
unplastic treatment of both figures is far removed from 
the style of classical antiquity and suggest a date in 
Byzantine time. 



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Furthermore, spindle whorls were registered. 1623 is 
a little bit more than half its original size, the diameter 
being 7.9 cm and the thickness 1.7 cm. 1681 is also half, 
and its diameter is 5.4 and its thickness 1.8 cm. One 
whole specimen of reused pottery measures only 2.05 
cm in diameter and 0.6 in thickness (1974). 

A few egg-shaped objects, probably slingstones, 
were excavated. They were moulded in halves and 
joined together. 4 1/2 specimens were encountered 
during this season (2033, 2190: diameter 4.5-4.7 cm, th. 
2.5-3.1 cm), all of similar proportions. 

Roof tiles were found in abundance, but only the 
more interesting fragments were registered, e.g. a 
slightly vaulted piece (1683:1: 1.27,w. 11.5,th. 1.5 cm) 
and a big corner piece with finger traces on it (1551: 
1.23, w. 18.3, th. 3.1 cm). Besides these, there is the 
delightful group of Byzantine tiles, which often deco¬ 
rated the ceiling and which are themselves ornamented 
with rosettes (2105:15: 5x 8x2.2 cm; 2604: 
16 x 13x2.5 cm), lozenges (2192:1: 18x14.5x3) and 
other abstract patterns. Also birds (2262; 2291: 13.5 x 

12.5 x 2.3 cm) and lions (2603; 2828: 28.5 x 16 x 2.5 cm) 
are represented. 

Stone 

Architectural marble fragments. 100 numbers were 
registered, some of them including several fragments. 
They belong almost exclusively to columns or roof 
constructions and are usually of better quality and big¬ 
ger size than those found during the first season. The 
material is always white marble. Very common are 
capital fragments with acanthus leaves (1580, 1583, 
1610, 1631, 1679, 1684:2, 1685, 1692, 1787, 2062, 2063, 
2064, 2065, 2066, 2067, 2068, 2069, 2083, 2268, 2565). 
Leaves of a different kind may also belong to a capital 
(2651), as do the corner volutes (2067, 2068). Half a 
capital of a rather small size (2574: h. 10.5, w. 15, th. 

8.5 cm) represents a less intricate type with stylized 
palm fronds. Parts of column shafts (1581, 1582, 1756, 
1763, 2057, 2058, 2059, 2082, 2481) were also exca¬ 
vated, as well as column bases (1617, 1632, 1783, 2060, 
2061,2387,2633,2637). 

Border fragments occur, furthermore, in some cases 
only profiled (1579) or with simple leaves (1951), with 
acanthus leaves (2075) and with two rows of decoration 
consisting of simple leaves and egg-and-tongue lines 
(2299). 

Besides these, heavy, thick blocks and thin slabs 
with similar decoration were registered, e.g. a block 
with profiled border and leaf ornament (2076), a block 


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2066 


2448 

with a rosette-like flower and an acanthus leaf, each in 
a rectangular frame (2448), or leaves surrounding a 
flower (2066), and another one with a simple leafborder 
around an egg-and-tongue line (2070). The slabs— 
fragmentary too—have leaves (1788, 2073), egg-and- 
tongue lines (2071) or both together (2154). A few small 
fragments of delicately carved braided or “lattice” 
work must also be mentioned in this context (1672, 
2312,2580, 2748). 

Finally, the small marble pieces which served as 
inlays in the opus sectile pavements were found in 
great quantities; a rare type is 2829. 

Special objects . This group of marbles—the colour is 
always white, too—was especially interesting during 
the second season, as a great many sculpture fragments 


2574 


were excavated. These pieces are mostly less than life 


size, and very often they are not completely finished all 


round but show one rough side, while the rest is finely 


2651 2067 



smoothed and polished. This fact, together with the 
size of the fragments, suggests that they are part of the 
decoration of Roman sarcophagi, executed in very high 
relief with undercuts. 

Three human heads were found. 2098 is a very 
rounded example shown in profile, with parts of the 
slab to which it is attached preserved. Its dimensions 
are h. 15, w. 12.5 and th. 9.5 cm. 2304 is a fragmentary 
male head, measuring in h. 15.5, w. 13 and th. 8 cm. 
The third head is enface, only roughly worked (2482: h. 
9.5, w. 7.1 cm). 


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2970 


Four torsi or parts of draped figures are preserved. 
2084 is a big fragment—1. 27, w. 24, th. 8 cm—of a still 
bigger figure, perhaps in relief, draped in a long loosely 
falling garment. 2538 is part of a probably female figure 
(15x18x4.8 cm) clad in a chiton that is swirling 
around her, executed in high relief on a slab. 2639 
represents a fragment of a very small, putto-like naked 
figure on a block, the height of the figure being 6.5 cm 
and the block measuring 8.5 x 8.5 x 7.5 cm, and 2972 is 
a crouching, naked, male figure with the head, parts of 
the arms and legs missing (h. 16, w. 10 cm). The hole in 
the back may be intended for fastening this piece onto a 
slab. A fragment of a similar crouching figure may have 
been 2638 (h. 5.2, th. 2.7 cm), of which only a hand 
resting on a bent knee is preserved. 

Furthermore, three hands or parts of them were reg¬ 
istered. 2099:3 is a hand holding a stick (1. 9.5 cm), as is 
2823 (1. 6.5 cm), though more incomplete. 2491 repre¬ 
sents three fingers on a larger scale, clinging to an 
unrecognizable object (9.7 x 8 x 6.4 cm). 

Astonishing was the number of legs that were found. 
All of them are splendidly smoothed, except for the 
backside, where they may have been attached to a 
slab. 2099:1 is the upper part of a naked leg down to the 
knee (1. 19.5 cm), and 2640, which measures 15 cm, is 
similar. The lower part of a leg is represented by 2153 
(1. 16 cm), 2218:1 (1. 15 cm), 2218:2 (1. 13 cm), 26% (1. 
16 cm) and 2753:1-4 (1. 10-13 cm). 2657 is a leg that was 
attached to another object. 

Finally, the toes and part of a left foot on a slab 
(2492; slab 25 x 9.5 x 12 cm) and a similar part of a right 
foot on a slab (2970; slab 16.7 x 10.5x2.8 cm) were 
excavated, both perhaps belonging to free-standing 
sculpture. 

Of non-human figures, the most outstanding example 
is the hind quarters of a bull, standing on a base with a 
supporting pillar (2931), that was registered at the end 
of the season. It is made not of marble but of limestone 
and is 35 cm high, the base being 16 x 16 x 1.5 cm. 

Of other animal sculptures, a big lion’s paw on a 
base, carved on both sides, was found (2649: 

18.5 x 13 x 6.1 cm); the forepart of perhaps a dog with¬ 
out the head (2691:1. 9.6, h. 10 cm); the mutilated head 
of an animal, perhaps a feline (2822: 1. 6.5, w. 2.5 cm); 
three antelope’s legs (2261: 1. 6.5; 2454: 1. 8.3; 2539: 1. 

9.5 cm); and a fragmentary bird (2259: 5.9x 5.9 cm). 

Two parts of trees were registered: 2750 measuring 

in length 16 and in thickness 5.7 cm and 2694 (1. 10 cm; 
2 joined fragments) with a pine cone on it. 


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2219, 2605), which may have served as mortars. One 
fragment (2056) bears a finely sculptured feather de¬ 
coration. 

16 marble fragments with parts of Latin inscriptions 
were encountered, varying in length from one or a few 
letters to six lines. Two pieces, apparently the same 
text, though not joining, mention several male names 
(2269 & 2578). 


2261:1,2454:1,2539:1 


2647 


2649 


A few, non-sculptural stone objects were recorded, 
e.g. a fragmentary marble slab with incised lines, 
which is part of a sun-dial (2647: 21.5 x 18x3 cm); a 
loom-weight (2452: diam. 5.5, th. 2.5 cm) of rather 
irregular shape, perhaps owing to the material, which is 
sandstone; and two pestles (2207: 10x8 cm; 2441; 
9.5 x 5 cm). 

Of stone vessels, 13 fragments were found. They 
belong to very big plates with a rim (1764, 2211, 2369, 
2540) and to thick-walled, small bowls, mostly with 
knob handles (2051 & 2693 joining, 2052, 2053, 2054, 


2051&2693 



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2056 Fragment of mosaic AY 


Mosaics and tesserae 

The most important finds of this category made during 
the second season were two mosaics in situ ; four frag¬ 
ments of the second one, AY, were taken to the store¬ 
room. Otherwise, 42 numbers were registered, most of 
them including several small fragments up to 33. Most 
of these specimens are true mosaics, i.e. small, regular 
stones of different colours on bedding mortar, inter¬ 
spersed with a few glass or ceramic tesserae. As their 
state of preservation is very fragmentary, the patterns 
cannot be clearly determined. On the best examples 
(2101:1: 15 x 12.5 cm; 2455:1: 13 x 10.5 cm), traces of 
geometrical decoration are preserved. The colours are 
black, white, red and pink, and brown, red and pink 
respectively. 

Some very large stone tesserae (2 nos) and re-used 
ceramic (5 nos) tesserae were excavated, measuring up 
to 4 x 3.5 x 1.5 cm (1927), and 13 black and golden glass 
tesserae (2185: 1.9xl.8x0.4 cm) differed from the 
rest. 

Of the cement pavement or opus signinum type, 9 
fragments are registered. 1612:1 measures 13x8 cm 
and consists of brownish, irregular stones in mortar. 
1760 measures 9x 7.5 cm and is made of small, white 
and green stones and reddish-brown ceramic chips in 


mortar. Similar examples are 2189:1 (14.5 x 13 cm) & 2, 
2313, and 2487:1. 2449 has the special feature of big, 
white, square tesserae (2x2 cm) set into the surface of 
small, irregular, multicoloured stones. 


2101:1 



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Google 


Of the opus figlinum or ceramic pavement, only two 
specimens are recorded (2188:1, 13 x 10 cm, and 2216, 
11 x 9.5 cm). Both consist of large, reddish-brown 
mosaic tesserae regularly set in mortar. 


Of the chip-pavement tyjpe, too, two examples were 
found. 1670:1 (14.5 x 10 cm), has small, green stones 
densely set, and 1686:1 consists of white and green, 
irregular stones densely set. 


2189:1 


2188:1 


2449 


1686:1 








Painted plaster 

43 numbers were registered, nearly all of them com¬ 
prising several fragments up to 19. Generally, the 
specimens are of far better quality than those of the 
first season, they are bigger, more colourful and richer 
in pattern. 

Predominant is also this time geometrical decoration 
with dots, curved lines or stripes in different colours. 
2300:2 is a small fragment measuring 8 x 6.5 cm, show¬ 
ing green dots on a white field within red borders. This 
colour combination occurs also on 2193:1, 2264:1, 
2300:1, 2307:1 and 2453. Curved lines are painted in 
dark green and black on a green background on frag¬ 
ment 2049:4 (8.5 x 7.5 cm) and in black on a grey strip 
across a cream field (2184:1: 12 x 10 cm). Cream, yel¬ 
low, light-brown and green stripes are found on a green 
background (2049:3: 11x8 cm). Simple black and red 
stripes occur on 2049:11 (6x5 cm), red, cream, brown 
and cream ones on 2214:4 (13x7.5 cm) and yellow, 
red, black and red ones on 2214:6 (5x4 cm). 2186 (6x5 
cm) with red and cream splashes on a buff background, 
seems to imitate opus signinum . 

Besides these types, a more naturalistic ornamenta¬ 
tion can be discerned. Leaf- and flower-like decoration 
may be seen on 1810:2 (15 x 6.5 cm), executed in red on 
a creamy-rose field. The same colours and a similar 
pattern are found on 2049:5 (8.5x7 cm) and also on 
2485:2 (6.5x3 cm), where the design is in red and 


brown on a yellowish-pink field with a green stripe. A 
special group consists of fragments with rosettes and 
tendrils in green, white and yellow on a red back¬ 
ground, as shown by the finest example 2045 (17 x 10 
cm; also 2214:5, 2509:1, 3). Like letters look the orna¬ 
ments on 1880:1 (7x6 cm), on which signs in red are 
painted on a cream field bordering on a green one, and 
on 2456:2, the red ornaments on white and ochre recall 
a little bit an abstract representation of a bird (9.5 x 7 
cm). 



2049:1 


2045 


2049:2 




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The most fascinating fragments, however, are 2049:1 
(16 x 11.5 cm) and 2049:2 (11 x 9 cm), both painted with 
parts of human bodies. On 2049:1 is shown on a dark 
green field a human arm with a long blue sleeve with 
white highlights and a hand in cream and light-brown 
with red outlines, holding on to something which is 
painted cream with green shadows and which may be a 
human leg. A human leg bent at the knee may be 
represented on 2049:2, too, if it is not an arm bent at 
the elbow. It is painted in cream with green shadows 
and red outlines in a green field of varying darkness, 
across which runs a white stripe. The plastic modelling 
with the help of light and shade is quite exceptional in 
both cases, which stand apart from all other fragments 
of this group. 

Bone 

Bones were found in great quantities; they await the 
specialist to be examined and classified. 


Pottery Report 
Marie-Louise Blennow 

The pottery of the second campaign shows the same 
characteristics as that of the first with material from the 
Punic amphoras of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. to the 
Late Fabrics of the 7th century A.D. 

Most of the Campana Ware sherds found were un¬ 
profiled. However, they include a fine rim fragment 
(2473:1) with a glossy, black surface. 1602:3 is prob¬ 
ably the base of a local, Campana-inspired bowl with 
brownish slip that does not cover the vessel com¬ 
pletely. 

Three rim sherds of Terra Sigillata were collected. 
2178:4 and 2354:1 are plain, while 1864 is a bowl with a 
flange, rouletting and relief decoration on the outside. 

Among the early African Red Slip (ARS) sherds may 
be mentioned 2334:1, the rim of a lst-century bowl 
with decoration of barbotine leaves. 1837:1 and 2836:8 
are specimens of the 2nd-century bowls with convex 
moulding on the outside below the rim, decorated with 
rouletting. 2221:2 and 1920:7 are necks of 3rd-century 
flasks. 

1821:1, 2027:3,4,7 and 2587:1 are rims of flanged 
ARS bowls of the late 5th or early 6th centuries. The 
bowls with scalloped rims dating from the first half of 
the 6th century are represented by 2438:6. Several 



2473:1 Rim fragment of a Campana Ware vessel 



1602:3 Base fragment of a local, Campana-inspired vessel 



2334:1 ARS rim with barbotine decoration 


94 


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fragments of the 6th- or 7th-century type of shallow 
dish with line burnishing on the inside were found 
(2201:7 and 2551:4). 

Among the sherds without complete profiles may be 
mentioned two floor fragments of mortaria gritted on 
the inner surface (2324:7 and 2438:4). 1646:1, 2008:9 
and 2334:2 bear feather rouletting on the inside. 



2438:4 Floor fragment of ARS mortarium 



2551:4 Shallow dish with line burnishing 


2334:2 Inside of an ARS vessel with feather rouletting 


95 


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2008:10 is a flat floor fragment with stamped decoration 
of palm branches and concentric circles. The shallow 
bowl or dish 2721:1, 3, bears on the inside a stamped 
decoration of peacocks, palm branches and rosettes in 
squares. 


1957 Cooking Ware lid 


2008:10 Floor sherd with stamped decoration 


2417:1 Fragment of a flanged bowl 

Some sherds which may belong to the Late Painted 
Wares were collected (1704, 2236:1, 2333:1, 2350:1, 
2617:1,2619:1 and 2659:1). They are buff with purplish- 
brown decoration. There are also some fragments of 
brownish-orange ware with white, painted, linear de¬ 
coration (1899:1). 


2721:1,3 Stamped inside of an ARS bowl 

There are innumerable fragments of the Black-Top 
Ware of the 1st to the 4th centuries A.D., as well as of 
its successor, the Late Fabrics. Many of them are lids 
(1563:4, 1604:2, 1869:2, 1957, 1984:2, 2834:2 and 
2110:1). Quite a few casseroles were found (2623:1, 
2738:1 and 2852:4). 1836:3, 1852:8 and 1873:6, 8, 9 are 
fragments of late 6th-century, coarse gritted bowls. 

Both the hard, pinkish- or brownish-buff and the 
soft, yellowish-buff types of 5th- and 6th-century 
flanged bowls were found (1575:12, 17, 1978:1,2222:1, 



2, 3, 2278:1, 2288:3, 2417:1 and 2582:1). 


2236:1 Buff sherd with purplish painted decoration 


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1899:1 Orange sherd with white painted decoration 


2343:3 Coarse brown mortarium sherd 


Three fragments of the same buff fabric and the same 
sign \fr incised were found (1577:3, 2112:4 and 2198:3). 

Besides the ARS and unslipped, pinkish, flanged- 
bowl mortaria, a coarse, brown fragment with brown 
grits was also found (2343:3). 

Among the vast amphora material may be mentioned 
the brown, micaceous Ballana 13. Other amphora 
types remain to be studied, as well as the buff and 
orange wares and the thin-walled pottery. 


For all photographs of finds and pottery credit is 
given to Per-Olof Bohlin. 


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2659:1 Fragment of a buff vessel with painted fish 


2198:3 Wall- and bottom fragment of a vessel with incision 








Activities 1979-1980 


Carl-Gustaf Styrenius 


During the period July 1st, 1979, to June 30th, 1980, big 
steps forward were taken in the preparations for the 
new premises for the Medelhavsmuseet, the most im¬ 
portant of which was made on September 6th, 1979, 
when the government decided to reserve 2.9 million 
crowns for the National Board of Public Building to 
plan the new premises in detail. This work, which will 
be finished at the beginning of 1981, is the second stage 
in the long preparatory work for constructing or repair¬ 
ing a state building, the third and last being the building 
work itself. In the meantime, the Museum staff has 
been working on the plans for the permanent exhibi¬ 
tions of the new Museum. 

Several important antiquities were acquired by the 
Egyptian Department. One was a mummy coffin dating 
from c. 600 B.C. for a private person called Hapi-men. 
It is exceptionally well preserved. It is covered by 
polychrome painting with figural scenes and inscrip¬ 
tions. The coffin was received as a gift from Ambas¬ 
sador Adolf Croneborg. From about the same period is 
a wooden statuette of a standing man. This is of special 
importance, as it is a particularly good example of 
archaizing style of a late phase of Egyptian art. Also 
from the same period are a number of very fine bronzes 
representing the god Imhotep, a holy ichneumon, the 
goddess Isis and the god Harpocrates. The two last- 
mentioned items are a gift from the estate of the late 
Mr. Sven Gustafsson. The Department received in ex¬ 
change from the British Museum a granite sculpture of 
the goddess Sekhmet, belonging to the Theban group 
of the New Kingdom. 

The Islamic collections of the Museum, administered 
by the Egyptian Department, were enriched by several 
artefacts, among them a collection of Persian textiles, 
mostly Safavid. Some items of Persian pottery may 
also be mentioned. 

98 


The Graeco-Roman Department has received or ac¬ 
quired some important objects. Among Greek acquisi¬ 
tions may be mentioned an Attic Black-Figure lip-cup 
with inscription and a probably Hellenistic marble 
torso of Aphrodite in a small size, perhaps from Alex¬ 
andria. 

Among the Roman acquisitions, an excellent, 
Etruscan, terracotta head dating from the end of the 
6th century B.C. should be mentioned. Moreover, a 
marble head from the Republican period in an excep¬ 
tionally small size, a bronze head from about the same 
time in somewhat less than natural size and a male 
torso in natural size, dating from the beginning of the 
Imperial period with a folded cloth hanging down from 
the left shoujder. 

The exhibition activities continued. The Graeco-Ro¬ 
man Department, in collaboration with the Museum of 
National Antiquities (Historiska Museet), showed dur¬ 
ing the period September 25th, 1979, to January 2nd, 
1980, an exhibition entitled “The Gold from the 
Steppe” from the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad. It 
consisted of objects of Scythian art from the area 
around the Black Sea, as well as objects of leather and 
textile fabrics from the frozen tombs at Altai in south¬ 
ern Siberia. More than 100,000 visitors came to see the 
exhibition, which was a record. 

The Egyptian Department in collaboration with the 
National Museum, mounted during the period January 
17th to February 24th, 1980, an exhibition entitled 
“Baltzar Cronstrand in Egypt 1836-1837: A Swedish 
Officer amidst Pharaonic Temples and Tombs”. This 
illustrated the scientific results presented by Dr Bengt 
Peterson and Dr Beate George in Medelhavsmuseet 
Memoir 3 last year. 

Preparations have also been made for two forthcom¬ 
ing exhibitions, “The Golden Paradise of the Thra- 


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Minoan house, Chania, Crete. Photo E. Hallager. 


cians” from Bulgaria and “Finds from Sardinia, 4000- 
500 B.C.“ 

As before, the excavations at Chania on Crete were 
administered by the Graeco-Roman Department and 
continued during the summer of 1980. 

In 1979, the Medelhavsmuseet started excavations at 
Carthage, as part of the UNESCO programme to save 
the ancient city. The first excavation campaign went on 
during the period April-June 1979. The ground where 
the excavations took place was situated along Avenue 
de la R6publique at the foot of the Byrsa Hill and was 
owned by a private person, who wanted to build a 
house on the site as soon as possible. In order to 
facilitate this, the Medelhavsmuseet carried out a sec¬ 
ond campaign during September and October 1979. In 
these excavations, Late Roman ruins of such im¬ 
portance appeared that a third campaign became 
necessary. Moreover, it was clear that a considerable 
part of the ruins ought to be preserved. The third and 


last campaign took place during March and April 1980. 
Thus, the whole excavation was carried out in six 
months within a period of one year. 

From the staff of the Medelhavsmuseet, Miss Bir- 
gitta Sander served as field director during the whole 
excavation. Moreover, Mrs Marie-Louise Blennow 
took part in all three campaigns, while Dr Bengt 
Peterson and Dr Beate George took part in two 
campaigns. I myself as leader of the project, made six 
journeys to Carthage, sometimes exclusively for 
negotiations with the Tunisian authorities, and spent 
more than two months in Tunisia. Ten excavators and 
forty Tunisian workmen, in all, took part in the excava¬ 
tion. 

During the year. Bulletin 14, 1979, was published. It 
contained scientific articles on objects in the collec¬ 
tions of the Museum, as well as the preliminary report 
of the first campaign of the Carthage excavations. The 
second report is included in the present volume. 

99 


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Contents 


Archaic Egyptian Falcons 
Bengt Peterson 3 

Drei altagyptische Wurfholzer 
Beate George 1 

Eine Frauenmaske im Medelhavsmuseet 
Laszlo Kdkosy 16 

Supplementary Material from Enkomi Tombs 3, 7, 11 
and 18 s.c. 

Kjell Andersson 25 

The Limestone Sculpture from Kition 
Pamela Gaber-Saletan 41 

A Late Geometric Amphora 
by the Stockholm Painter 
Berit Wells 50 

An Etruscan Antefix 
Eva Rystedt 59 

The Swedish Carthage Excavations. Preliminary Re¬ 
port of the Second Campaign, September-October 
1979 

ed . Bengt Peterson 73 

Activities 1979-1980 
Carl-Gustaf Styrenius 98 


100 


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MEDELHAVSMUSEET 

The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 


Memoirs, Vol. I, 1977, 120 pp. Sw. Crs 100. 

Erik Hallager, The Mycenaean Palace at Knossos. Evidence 
for Final Destruction in the 111 B Period. 

Memoirs. Vol. 2. 1977, 57 pp.. 8 colour Pis and 45 bl-and-wh. 
Pis. Sw. Crs 75. 

Vassos Karageorghis. Carl-Gustaf Styrenius and Marie - 
Louise Winbladh . Cypriote Antiquities in the Medelhavs- 
museel, Stockholm. 

Memoirs, Vol. 3, 1979, 80 pp. Sw. Crs 130 

Beale George & Bengt Peterson, Die Kamak-Zeichnungen 

von Baltzar Cronstrand 1836-1837. 


Bulletin. Vol. 1. 1961.64 pp. ( out of print) 

Bulletin, Vol. 2, 1962, 68 pp. (out of print) 

Bulletin, Vol. 3, 1963, 72 pp. Sw. Crs 20. 

Bulletin. Vol. 4, 1964. 61 pp. Sw. Crs 20. 

Bulletin. Vol. 5, 1969. 58 pp. Sw. Crs 20. 

Bulletin, Vol. 6, 1972, 55 pp. Sw. Crs 20. 

Bulletin. Vol. 7-8, 1973. 144 pp.. 80 pi. Sw. Crs 90. 

B. Peterson, Zeichnungen aus einer Totenstadt. Bildosiraka 
aus Theben-West, ihre Fundplatze. Themata und Zweck- 
bereiche mitsamt einem Katalog der‘Gayer-Anderson-Samm- 
lung in Stockholm. 

Bulletin. Vol. 9, 1974, 80 pp. Sw. Crs 30. 

Bulletin. Vol. 10. 1975, 104 pp. Sw. Crs 80. 

B. George. Friihe Keramik aus Agypten. Die dekorierte 
Negade 11-Kcramik im Medelhavsmuseei. 


Bulletin. Vol. 11, 1976, 76 pp. Sw. Crs 80. 
Bulletin. Vol. 12. 1977, 82 pp. Sw. Crs 80. 
Bulletin. Vol. 13, 1978, 84 pp. Sw. Crs 80. 
Bulletin. Vol. 14, 1979, 88 pp. Sw. Crs 100.